ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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Understanding the Bandh

Without adequate mass participation, Bharat bandhs may not achieve their goals.

Changing Policy Regime and Labour

The changing policy orientation from mid-1980s onwards has serious implications for the institutions and actors involved in the process of industrialisation. The labour market is no exception. This paper tries to reflect on this change by understanding the politicaleconomic dynamics of change in a new industrial town Kothur in Mahabubnagar district of Andhra Pradesh.

Arguing for 'Industrial Relations'

This paper argues that the bilateral nature of labour-management relations is being obfuscated today by a unitarian management project. Democracy in the business organisation and the workplace in particular has to have an organic evolution and not through a motivation plan from above. Institutions of industrial relations including the union and collective bargaining can be the best via media for bringing in new institutions that are genuinely imbued with a participative and cooperative character. The paper reviews a sample of contemporary writings that focus on why unions still matter, new possibilities for unions and union-participatory approaches to management.

Labour and Capitalist Transformation in Asia

Just as the labour movement and trade unions have been unable to keep up with the recent changes at a global level, most studies on labour and capitalist transformation continue to operate within old debates, views and perspectives and are hardly able to take into their approach and analysis the changes due to the recent acceleration in the process of globalisation. An attempt to address this concern by bringing back labour into the research agenda.

Impact of Trade Unions, Employment and Technology on Wages

This study, covering a two-decade period, shows that on the whole trade unions have experienced an erosion in their strength. Also, with the introduction of new technology in the cotton textile industry, the tussle is now between workers and machines, with mills acquiring sophistication and cutting production costs through reduced employment.

Bombay Textile Strike

Bombay Textile Strike 1982-83 by H van Wersch; Oxford University Press, THE strike of textile workers in Bombay during 1982-83 has few parallels in the annals of the trade union movement anywhere in the world considering the number of striking workers and the duration of the strike. Yet, as the blurb of H van Wersch's book rightly observes, it has not received as much serious study as one would expect from trade union historians and social scientists. Perhaps the very size and duration of the conflict deterred scholars from launching upon a detailed exploration of it. Ultimately, it was a foreign researcher who undertook the daunting task and it is to his credit that he has done such a thorough job of it.

LABOUR-Textile Strike Turns Political

Three hundred thousand workers marched in pouring rain in Bombay on August 1, bring Bombay's strike of 250,000 textile workers, the largest in history, to a new level of political confrontation with the Congress(I). "Without destroying the anti-working class power of Congress, the basic problems of textile workers and other sections of workers cannot be solved", declared the workers' leader, Datra Samant. Other union representatives, women's organisation representatives, and activists of the Lai Nishan Party called for workers' take-over of factories, recalled China's 'long march' and stressed the transformation of the workers' struggle into a political one.

Bombay Textile Workers-After the Strike

As Bombay's textile workers have gone back to work, following the petering out of Datta Samant's long strike, the millowners, it is clear, have extracted the maximum advantage out of their helplessness. And the state government, not surprisingly, instead of exercising its powers, is pretending to be leaving it to the courts to provide justice to the workers. 

MAHARASHTRA-The Textile Worker in the Village

"First tell us why you're here — have you only come to tell us Datta Samant is power-hungry and that we should go back to work?" Textile workers, now back in their village homes three months into the longest strike in their history, are at first suspicious. From the beginning they have heard from their more well-known village leaders only anti-strike propaganda — workers are well off anyway and are causing damage to the nation by demanding too much, etc, etc. But once they find out that these visitors, organisers with agricultural labourers and toiling peasants in a nearby village, are different, are supporters of their strike, have been distributing pamphlets showing this support, their mood changes. A lamp is brought, friends are called, a meeting is held in a small temple in this poor peasant section of a prosperous and merchant dominated village in the foothills of the Sahyadris, and the process of organising the textile workers in Shiralapeth taluka of Sangli district has begun. 

Teaching the Workers A Lesson

As the strike of the two-and-a-half lakh workers of the textile mills of Bombay is about to cross the 150-day mark, a series of developments in the last few days have removed any remaining doubts about the Union government's determination to make no concessions to the striking workers and to defeat the strike. About the beginning of this month there were indications that the Maharashtra government would not be averse to moves to bring about a negotiated settlement of the strike. The state Chief Minister had told journalists in Pune on May 30 that the strike could be settled if all trade unionists came together and evolved a common minimum demand for the workers, taking into account the mills' paying capacity. Three days later he disclosed in Bombay that he was hopeful of a quick end to the strike. He was, he claimed, holding informal talks with several persons connected with the strike.

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