Policy

The proposed National Policy on Education 2016 has important implications with respect to school education in India. While acknowledging some of its positive features, attention must be focused on objectives of education as espoused in the policy: key amendments suggested in the Right to Education Act, 2009; position and importance of Early Childhood Care and Education and reforms proposed in the curriculum and assessment practices in schools.

The growing focus on climate policy in India is not matched by an equivalent level of attention to institutions . Effective institutions are also needed for the design, coordination and implementation of policy. This paper examines the functioning of institutions, organised around three periods: pre-2007; 2007 to 2009 and 2010 to mid-2014. Several key themes emerge: First, the formation of climate institutions has often been ad hoc and is inadequately geared to India's co-benefits based approach to climate policy. Second, there is a lack of continuity in institutions, once established. Third, coordination across government has been uneven and episodic. Fourth, while various efforts at knowledge generation have been attempted, they do not add up to a mechanism for sustained and consistent strategic thinking on climate change. Fifth, the overall capacity within government remains limited. Sixth, capacity shortfalls are exacerbated by closed structures of governance that only partially draw on external expertise.

Concerns have been voiced about the WTO's encroachment into social service sectors such as health, education, and environment under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and how this may undermine national sovereignty and autonomy in social policy-making. However, most of these concerns stem from misunderstandings and lack of information about the liberalisation process under the GATS. This paper tries to dispel such unwarranted fears by highlighting the GATS' commitment structure and framework and explaining how countries can retain their autonomy in social policy-making under the GATS. However, it also points out some problem areas in this regard, tracing their source to various ambiguities and weaknesses in the GATS framework. The paper highlights the need to use the ongoing GATS 2000 negotiations effectively so as to strengthen the GATS framework and address these problematic issues.

Given the large need for services in social development and social welfare areas, which the state is unable to meet in sufficient measure, and the need to encourage and support non-profit organisations promoting cultural activities as well those 'civil society' organisations defending civil liberties, promoting the welfare of women and children, etc, the state should spare from tax income that does not accrue to any individuals or juridical persons for private benefit. The acceptance of the recommendations of the Advisory Group on Tax Policy and Tax Administration for the Tenth Plan on tax treatment of charitable organisations would do grave damage to the work of the voluntary agencies which form one of the heart-warming and bright aspects of our society.

Though the farmer's rights concept is still weak as it is currently stated in the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture adopted by 116 countries, including India, under the FAO last month, India and other developing countries could use the negotiations to establish an international concept of farmer's rights. India could strengthen its own legislation in this regard by coordinating its efforts with those of other countries.