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From Hegemony to Counter-Hegemony-A Journey in a Non-Imaginary Unreal Space

This paper is intended as a critique and a parallel construction ofGramsci's concepts of hegemony and counter- hegemony. It restructures some of Gramsci's major theoretical categories in the light of Hegel's and Freud's analyses. The central propositions are: (1) Hegemony epitomises the elite's dream and (2) Counter-hegemony is a quantitative extension of the signs of the displaced hegemonic power GRAMSCI had to work within the orthodox Marxist paradigm. In the process Gramsci hits the limit of the orthodox school, which in turn, also defines the limit of Gramsci, In orthodox Marxism, the universal as distinct from the particular does not emerge as a specific theoretical category.' A particular, in this analysis, assumes the role of the universal as a determinate mode of production comes into dominance: a particular is potentially the universal.2 Gramsci deals with situations where the potential is not actualised. Perhaps Gramsci could say: the potential cannot actualise itself, i e, the particular is not even potentially the universal. The proposition,.one may say, remains to a great extent implicit in Gramsci which I would make explicit in this paper and find out its full implications. Specifically, 1 would argue that no particular class is potentially the universal

Development under Siege

Sudhir Sen The lamentation over 'development under siege' which fills the latest report of the Committee for Development Planning of the United Nations cannot but evoke mixed feelings. The economic woes to which the report draws attention are the outcome of a much deeper-rooted malaise, namely: for a generation or more development economics itself has been under siege THE veteran AFL-CTO president George Meanyt who was well known for his sharp tongue and robust common sense, once made a biting remark that comes haunting across the years: "Economics is the only profession in which it is possible to achieve great eminence without ever being right". The Committee for Development Planning of the United Nations which consists of 24 eminent economists handpicked by the secretary- general from as many countries, has delivered a resounding proof of the melancholy truth embodied in George Meany's unflattering words.

On Gramsci s Fundamental Mistake

This note is a comment on the previous paper by Ajit Chaudhuri and considers the implications of Chaudhuri's demonstration that it is impossible simply to extend the 'orthodox' variety of Marxism to deal with the~sorts of problems with which Gramsci was concerned.

Gramsci s Concept of Common Sense-Towards a Theory of Subaltern Consciousness in Hegemony Processes

This paper is largely a reconstruction cfGramsci's attempts towards an understanding of subaltern consciousness in hegemony processes. In Section I, views on common sense for 'ordinary' folk's sense-perceptions) as viewed in bourgeois traditions are briefly presented. Section II is about Gramsci's treatment of certain cases of the infiltration of these bourgeois accounts into the Marxist camp by way of his critique of Croce's and Bukharin's schemes, In Section III, Gramsci's own scheme on 'common sense' and its elements are proposed. Finally, in Sections IV and V, relationships between the hegemony process and the 'common sense' of subalterns, on the one hand, and relations between certain counter-hegemony systems and subaltern consciousness, on the other, are delineated.

Antonio Gramsci and the Analysis of Class Consciousness-Some Methodological Considerations

In this paper the author attempts to reconstruct and present some of the major writings of Antonio Gramsci as related to the analysis of class consciousness. The focus is on the methodological issues raised by such an analysis. The thematic organisationo of Gramscis writings and their interpretation are largely based on the author's research experience in studying the dynamics and forms of class consciousness within a peasant movement in Maharashtra. An attempt is made to abstract certain general methodological considerations that might be relevant to the understanding of class consciousness in an Indian context.

Accumulation, Poverty and State in Third World-Capital/Pre-Capital Complex

The theme of this note is bourgeois hegemony in contemporary third world countries. The focus is on one particular expression of bourgeois ideology, namely, the concept of economic development. In recent times, there has been a critique of the traditional accumulation-based approach from within bourgeois discourse and an alternative consumption-based approach has been suggested. This dual approach to economic development reflects capital's attempt to incorporate pre-capitaI within the ambit of its ideology It is argued that an extension of the Gramscian framework is necessary in order to capture the nature of hegemony in contemporary third world countries.

IRDP How Relevant Is It

N J Kurian The Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) is the centre-piece of anti-poverty programmes in India. The core of the IRDP is to provide poor families with income-generating assets to enable them to cross the poverty line. What share of IRDP assistance goes to the deserving poor? What kind of assets are they provided with? What is the order of leakages that take place? What are the problems associated with bank financing of IRDP? Are IRDP loans bad debts? Do the assets remain with the beneficiaries? Are they better off due to IRDP assistance? What proportion of them cross the poverty line?

Effective Incentives and Subsidies for Cotton Cultivators in India

Cotton Cultivators in India Ashok Gulati This paper attempts to quantify the degree of distortions in the trade pricing policies with regard to Indian seed-cotton (kapas) during the 1980s. The region and variety-specific incentive structure of cotton is estimated by adopting a standard methodology Four major varieties of cotton dominant in the regions of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Punjab and Andhra Pradesh are covered. Broadly the results do not support a policy of protection for cotton cultivators in India.

Commodity and Credit in Upland Maharashtra, 1800-1950

Maharashtra, 1800-1950 Sumit Guha A particular structure of commodity production arose as a consequence of tax-demands in late eighteenth century Maharashtra and generated a need for credit without which production and, consequently, both the productive and the unproductive classes would suffer. A flow of credit did result as a result. The real change came when another market came into operation; that in land. Now an additional, and tangible, security was available, and the moneylender could reduce his costs and extend his operations by relying on it.

Social and Economic Aspects of Attached Labourers in Kuttanad Agriculture

Labourers in Kuttanad Agriculture Alex George The highly oppressive feudal characteristics of the system of attached labour prevailed in Kuttanad until 1943. These labourers mostly belonged to the pulaya and the paraya castes who became apparently free' after the abolition of slavery in 1855. The prevalence of this system even during the early period of capitalist investment in agriculture can be explained by several factors not least of which is the characteristic form of highly labour intensive cultivation in the region known as punja cultivation and the fact that pulayas and the parayas were alone engaged in the hardest and the dirtiest of tasks involved. So firm was the grip of this feudal system that the attached labourers were slow to unionise. However, it was the labour movement which contributed significantly to the transition from attached labour to free labour THE Thiruvithamkoor Karshaka Thozhilali Union (TKTU) the first agricultural labour union in Kuttanad and of Kerala was formed in 1941,1 under the initiative of the leaders and cadres of the organised working class of the coir industry of the nearby Alleppey town. But during the formative stage of TKTU the pulayas and parayas2 of Kuttanad who were under the feudal system of attached labour, kept aloof from its activities.3 This was due to the extreme grip of the feudal system of attached labour over them.4 This system of attached labour was made use of by the farmers of Kuttanad region who engaged in capitalist investment in paddy cultivation.5 Tendencies of capitalist investment in paddy cultivation in the region can be traced as far back as the latter half of 1880s.6 Since the condition of the pulayas and parayas as attached labourers, had its implication for their unionisation, we set apart a section each of this paper for the analysis of: (i) Transition from slavery to attached ' labour in Kuttanad; (ii) The feudal character of the attached " . labour system, and (iii) The prevalence of the attached labour system under capitalist investment in agriculture.

IRDP and Rural Diversification-A Study in Karnataka

A Study in Karnataka V M Rao S Erappa This study, based on data collected from IRDP beneficiaries in Karnataka supplemented with data from the government records on the anti-poverty programmes, finds that (a) The anti-poverty programmes remain preoccupied with the objective of providing relief rather than making the poor viable and development-oriented. More specifically, IRDP remains weak as thrust for widening the base of rural economy through substantial addition of non-agricultural activities.

India s Trade with the Emirates

of pragmatism were not proving very successful, yet they continued to be followed. But with the goal becoming more and more distant, the tribes also showed tendencies of associating the other faiths with superiority. The superior people must be having superior religions, a much surer way to the supreme being and happiness. Birsa represented this tendency of fighting the stronger cultures with their own weapons. There were elements from christian and hindu sects in his faith. His laws were: Do not worship spirits or offer them sacrifices; do not eat non-vegetarian or impure food or drink liquor; observe Thursday as weekly holiday, devoting it to worship; wear the sacred thread; take your meal only after bathing, and so on. Those who followed Birsa accepted all these conditions, for in him they saw the greatest promise ever of return to the age of the kin-confederations.

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