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Indian Security after Bangla Desh

important than economic assistance, which India can offer only in limited quantities, is the political support we can provide to strengthen the concept of freedom and independence in this area. One thing is certain, if South- East Asia is swallowed up by any one of the big Asian powers or divided between any two of them in the way of spheres of influence, there will be no equilibrium in Asia but only overlord- ship and consequent conflicts.

A Time for Humility

A Time for Humility Contributed THE avid dissectors of the class character of a nation may disagree, but, for the people of Bangla Desh, liberation from Pakistani colonial subjugation is a great qualitative step forward even if one were to consider the matter in terms of broad historical sweeps. The emotions which an expatriate from that land experiences at this juncture are peculiarly mixed. Joy wells up, joy at the magnificence of the grit demonstrated by practically the entire Bengali populace. But there is also a feeling of guilt and shame. What share can an expatriate protend to have of this glory, what right does he have to lay claim or. a portion of the pride which, from now on, will be the heritage of every citizen of Bangla Desh?

The Impact of Bangla Desh

The Impact of Bangla Desh Sisir Gupta THE two international aspects of the impact of the emergence of Bangla Desh on which it may be worthwhile to speculate are: (a) the possible effects of the restructuring of the subcontinent on intra-regional relations in South Asia and (b) the likely changes in great power attitudes and policies towards this region. Obviously, the effects of the structural changes in the subcontinent will be of utmost significance for the pattern of inter-state relations in South Asia. Even the worst pessimists will assume that India's relations with Bangla Desh will be much friendlier than what obtained between India and Pakistan. Even if the two countries decide to ignore the dictates of geography and of their economic needs and to refrain from having a special relationship with each other, Bangla Desh cannot possibly ever develop the kind of obsession with India that Pakistan had displayed in the past. Its nationalism is bound to be modern and self-contained; unlike Pakistan it will not base its claim to nationhood on the fantasy of In do-Islamic identity nor will it have to refer to India in negative terms every time that it wants to establish a rationale for its separate existence. Therefore, the worst that could happen between India and Bangla Desh is that each would have, in relation to the other, the normal problems of conducting relations with a noigh- MUTUAL GOODWILL But there are many reasons why one could legitimately hope that India and Bangla Desh will achieve a high level of co-operation and friendliness in their relations. In the first place the history of the freedom struggle of the people of Bangla Desh will be the most dominant feature of the frame of reference of the foreign policy makers in Dacca. So great has been the Indian contribution to the achievement of their freedom that the people of Bangla Desh are likely to view this country and its leadership as their genuine friends. This immense fund of goodwill for India cannot be easily exhausted and New Delhi will have to show a very high capacity to mishandle this relationship to be hated in Dacca.

Problem of Refugees from East Bengal

Problem of Refugees from East Bengal P N Luthra MIGRATIONS of uprooted humanity have taken place in very early times in the history of man. Records show that the Roman Empire received many waves of refugees from North and East. Amongst the countless refugee tragedies, there were the Jews of the Dispersion, the? Armenian refugees from the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Whites who migrated after the 1917 Revolution. More latterly, we have the case of Spanish Republicans who fled to France in 1939 and the Germans and Austrians

China, India and Japan

China, India and Japan Dhananjoy THE voting on the restoration of China's legitimate rights in the United Nations hides a few realities regarding the attitudes of member States towards Peking. Nut all among those who voted for the Albanian resolution are friends of China and some among those who voted against it are not as hostile to Peking as appears on the surface. The Chinese Foreign Office may, therefore, not regard the list of those who voted for and against (and those who abstained) as the basis on which it will evolve relationships in the United Nations. For example, Israel voted with the Arabs for Peking but it would be difficult for Tel Aviv to expect any benefit in terms of Chinese attitudes to the Arab-Israeli question. Similarly, Thailand's abstention and Malaysia's support may mean very little of diffe- renee for Chinese purposes.

Towards a Tripolar Game

Towards a Tripolar Game Dhananjoy THE announcement that a Soviet- American Summit will take place in May will cause little surprise in the world. Both the Super Powers had been maintaining mutual contacts at various levels for over a decade and meetings at the highest level have also taken place in the past. Nixon himself will be no stranger in Moscow though he may not conduct a kitchen debate this time. There is more important business to be negotiated: it will be appropriate for a Soviet-American summit to announce some progress in the Salt Talks just as it might declare the intention of both Governments to seriously consider schemes of balanced troops reduction in Europe. The number of agreements that have already been negotiated between the United States and the Soviet Union is by no means insignificant. Ever since the non-proliferation treaty, the two Powers have found it possible to agree on a number of subjects like prohibition of biological warfare, non- use of sea-beds for military purposes and providing safeguards against accidental nuclear war. Of still greater significance is the recent agreement on Berlin which clears the way for a new approach to European security.

Prospects for the Balkan States

circumscribe the area of private enterprise and reduce aggregate profits. But it would not necessarily lower the rate of profits in areas that are still un-enclosed. The share of labour in the national income would improve in both instances.

Garibi Hatao-Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg

'Garibi Hatao' Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg D Ghosh WE are a poor people, In recent years the income per head in this country has been of the order of rupee one per day. How little a rupee can buy in these days of high prices need not be worked out in detail.

The Indo-Soviet Treaty

Minister and also former President-designate, Gerhard Schrocder, supports Kohl for the party post and himsell for the post or Chancellor-designate; picscnt Parliamentary Party leader, Ratwr Barzel, would like to elect himself For both the posts, as earlier held by Adenauer, Erhard, and Kiesinger. The sisler-CSU party leader, Strauss, till now supports Barzel for the twin candidature, but his party has already announced that the election of the Chancellor-designate could not penman- ently remain the exclusive preserve of the CDU, The 'Young Union", a pressure group within the CDU, has recently announced its decision in favour of splitting the posts and supporting liar/el for Chancellor and Kohl for the Party. Hut, till now, Barzel has stuck to his decision of either both or none; and, it does not seem unlikely that he would eat the cake and have it too. But if Kohl manages to have the party decide in favour of separating the posts, and Barzel sticks to his promise, CSU leader Strauss would perhaps no longer stay on the sidelines and is most likely to demand his pound of flesh.

One Socialist Party Again

One Socialist Party Again (From a Special Correspondent) ON the 9th of August, the Praja Socialist Party and the Samyukta Socialist Party will merge to form a new socialist party, with invitations to other socialist groups and individuals to join it. The SSP Convention has already ratified the merger decision. Two questions arise; (i) Will' the unity last; and, (ii) if it does, what impact will it have on Indian politics?

Spectre Haunting Indira

TIMINGS can be inconvenient. Could not the insurrectionists of Ceylon have chosen another time for their abortive uprising and the bloodbath in which the revolution they wanted got drowned? As it happens, these headstrong youths who have given this peaceful island its most profoundly traumatic experience of centuries have so ill- chosen their time as to cause a great deal of embarrassment to the Indian Press, Indian politicians and, of course, to Indira Gandhi. But for Ceylon, India's great interest in Bangla Desh, albeit its advocacy of recognition of Bangla Desh as a substitute for taking the step itself, could have appeared as provoked entirely by considerations of liberty, democracy and humanitarian- ism. But the voices of liberty, democracy and humanitarianism seem to be remarkably muffled when it comes to Ceylon. There also certain things are happening. But no picture parades, no screaming headlines, no strongly-worded resolutions by political parties.

Towards a Vietnam in the Ganges Delta

 Efforts were therefore made at the Singapore conference to untie the Technical Assistance Fund, but not enough support could be rallied to commit all the donors to untie their contributions. There was some support for the proposal that the Bank should start a scheme to refinance exports from its member nations to increase regional trade. Asian countries were mostly poor and not capable of providing long-term credits for their exports. The Bank, could, according to proposals for the scheme, make payments to the exporting country for the goods it exported and collect the price of the goods from the importing country after the number of years it needed to make the payments/ India also wanted the wealthy, non- regional members of the Bank to announce their contributions to the soft funds for the whole development decade of the 1970s, but no one seemed ready to do that. The US Alternate Governor of the Bank, John Petty, said his country was suffering from "aid fatigue" and would be in no position to make long-term commitments.

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