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Towards a Tripolar Game

Towards a Tripolar Game Dhananjoy THE announcement that a Soviet- American Summit will take place in May will cause little surprise in the world. Both the Super Powers had been maintaining mutual contacts at various levels for over a decade and meetings at the highest level have also taken place in the past. Nixon himself will be no stranger in Moscow though he may not conduct a kitchen debate this time. There is more important business to be negotiated: it will be appropriate for a Soviet-American summit to announce some progress in the Salt Talks just as it might declare the intention of both Governments to seriously consider schemes of balanced troops reduction in Europe. The number of agreements that have already been negotiated between the United States and the Soviet Union is by no means insignificant. Ever since the non-proliferation treaty, the two Powers have found it possible to agree on a number of subjects like prohibition of biological warfare, non- use of sea-beds for military purposes and providing safeguards against accidental nuclear war. Of still greater significance is the recent agreement on Berlin which clears the way for a new approach to European security.

Prospects for the Balkan States

circumscribe the area of private enterprise and reduce aggregate profits. But it would not necessarily lower the rate of profits in areas that are still un-enclosed. The share of labour in the national income would improve in both instances.

Garibi Hatao-Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg

'Garibi Hatao' Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg D Ghosh WE are a poor people, In recent years the income per head in this country has been of the order of rupee one per day. How little a rupee can buy in these days of high prices need not be worked out in detail.

The Indo-Soviet Treaty

Minister and also former President-designate, Gerhard Schrocder, supports Kohl for the party post and himsell for the post or Chancellor-designate; picscnt Parliamentary Party leader, Ratwr Barzel, would like to elect himself For both the posts, as earlier held by Adenauer, Erhard, and Kiesinger. The sisler-CSU party leader, Strauss, till now supports Barzel for the twin candidature, but his party has already announced that the election of the Chancellor-designate could not penman- ently remain the exclusive preserve of the CDU, The 'Young Union", a pressure group within the CDU, has recently announced its decision in favour of splitting the posts and supporting liar/el for Chancellor and Kohl for the Party. Hut, till now, Barzel has stuck to his decision of either both or none; and, it does not seem unlikely that he would eat the cake and have it too. But if Kohl manages to have the party decide in favour of separating the posts, and Barzel sticks to his promise, CSU leader Strauss would perhaps no longer stay on the sidelines and is most likely to demand his pound of flesh.

One Socialist Party Again

One Socialist Party Again (From a Special Correspondent) ON the 9th of August, the Praja Socialist Party and the Samyukta Socialist Party will merge to form a new socialist party, with invitations to other socialist groups and individuals to join it. The SSP Convention has already ratified the merger decision. Two questions arise; (i) Will' the unity last; and, (ii) if it does, what impact will it have on Indian politics?

Spectre Haunting Indira

TIMINGS can be inconvenient. Could not the insurrectionists of Ceylon have chosen another time for their abortive uprising and the bloodbath in which the revolution they wanted got drowned? As it happens, these headstrong youths who have given this peaceful island its most profoundly traumatic experience of centuries have so ill- chosen their time as to cause a great deal of embarrassment to the Indian Press, Indian politicians and, of course, to Indira Gandhi. But for Ceylon, India's great interest in Bangla Desh, albeit its advocacy of recognition of Bangla Desh as a substitute for taking the step itself, could have appeared as provoked entirely by considerations of liberty, democracy and humanitarian- ism. But the voices of liberty, democracy and humanitarianism seem to be remarkably muffled when it comes to Ceylon. There also certain things are happening. But no picture parades, no screaming headlines, no strongly-worded resolutions by political parties.

Rage, Rage against the Dying of the Light

Rage, Rage against the Dying of the Light! G P Deshponde A LEGEND has it that when the news of the French revolution reached the Maratha Court in Poona, the Peshwa Asked of his chief minister what it was all about. The chief minister promptly replied that some barbarians from across the sea had killed their monarch but the Peshwa need not worry. It would seem that the reaction of the establishment in this country to the war in East Bengal is not qualitatively different. The Bengal Mukti Fouj is, of course, not described as a bunch of barbarians. Their bravery, tenacity, courage and will to fight are all appreciated in full measure. Unlike the Poona Court, the Delhi Court in fact passed a solemn resolution of sympathy and support. However, the accent has all along been on caution, circumspection, reluctance to commit

Towards a Vietnam in the Ganges Delta

 Efforts were therefore made at the Singapore conference to untie the Technical Assistance Fund, but not enough support could be rallied to commit all the donors to untie their contributions. There was some support for the proposal that the Bank should start a scheme to refinance exports from its member nations to increase regional trade. Asian countries were mostly poor and not capable of providing long-term credits for their exports. The Bank, could, according to proposals for the scheme, make payments to the exporting country for the goods it exported and collect the price of the goods from the importing country after the number of years it needed to make the payments/ India also wanted the wealthy, non- regional members of the Bank to announce their contributions to the soft funds for the whole development decade of the 1970s, but no one seemed ready to do that. The US Alternate Governor of the Bank, John Petty, said his country was suffering from "aid fatigue" and would be in no position to make long-term commitments.

China and South Asia

China and South Asia Indrajit RECENT political events in the countries of South Asia have almost certainly made the policies of the major world powers towards this region irrelevant. The most significant of all the changes in this area are those taking place in Pakistan. During the sixties, an impression had gained ground in world capitals that Pakistan had resolved its problems and was going to continue as the most stable of all the countries of the region. Both the rate of economic growth and the apparent stability of the Ayub regime proved to be deceptive. Within a period of two years, Pakistan has virtually ceased to exist as a united country. Even if the present crisis is resolved through a negotiated settlement of the issues between East and West Pakistan, the old structure in which all the Great Powers had made both political and economic investments can never be revived, REVIVAL OF HOPE FOR INDIA As these developments have been taking place in Pakistan, the assumption (perhaps equally shared by the major powers) that India was in the midst of a deep crisis and that even the disintegration of the Indian state could not be ruled out as a possible development, has proved to be erroneous. It is by now well known that many countries friendly to India were as much worried by the prospect of chaos and conflict in this country as were many others hostile to us encouraged by the same prospects. Whatever else the 1971 elections may not . have done, it has certainly demonstrated the viability of the Indian state and of the Indian political system, .

The Central Contradiction

The Central Contradiction Sumanta Banerjee THE political monopoly of the Congress was the main plank in the last General Elections. The emphasis this time has shifted to national economic policies. If Indira Gandhi sometimes seems to be the centre of attention, It is because she is identified with these policies.

National Agricultural Credit Policy

National Agricultural Credit Policy M Narasimham AGRICULTURAL credit is best considered as an element of the total credit picture in the economy. Its availability and cost should appropriately form part of the total resources availability to the credit institutions which determines their ability to purvey credit in the amounts and at the rates they do. This, obviously, is an approach to the problem from the side of supply of credit. But the supply side is not all, There is the question of the appropriate level of demand for agricultural credit This, in turn, depends upon the level at which the agricultural economy is operating, the new directions into which agriculture is expanding and the tech- no-economic requirements of agricultural production and investment.


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