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Spectre Haunting Indira

TIMINGS can be inconvenient. Could not the insurrectionists of Ceylon have chosen another time for their abortive uprising and the bloodbath in which the revolution they wanted got drowned? As it happens, these headstrong youths who have given this peaceful island its most profoundly traumatic experience of centuries have so ill- chosen their time as to cause a great deal of embarrassment to the Indian Press, Indian politicians and, of course, to Indira Gandhi. But for Ceylon, India's great interest in Bangla Desh, albeit its advocacy of recognition of Bangla Desh as a substitute for taking the step itself, could have appeared as provoked entirely by considerations of liberty, democracy and humanitarian- ism. But the voices of liberty, democracy and humanitarianism seem to be remarkably muffled when it comes to Ceylon. There also certain things are happening. But no picture parades, no screaming headlines, no strongly-worded resolutions by political parties.

Towards a Vietnam in the Ganges Delta

 Efforts were therefore made at the Singapore conference to untie the Technical Assistance Fund, but not enough support could be rallied to commit all the donors to untie their contributions. There was some support for the proposal that the Bank should start a scheme to refinance exports from its member nations to increase regional trade. Asian countries were mostly poor and not capable of providing long-term credits for their exports. The Bank, could, according to proposals for the scheme, make payments to the exporting country for the goods it exported and collect the price of the goods from the importing country after the number of years it needed to make the payments/ India also wanted the wealthy, non- regional members of the Bank to announce their contributions to the soft funds for the whole development decade of the 1970s, but no one seemed ready to do that. The US Alternate Governor of the Bank, John Petty, said his country was suffering from "aid fatigue" and would be in no position to make long-term commitments.

Rage, Rage against the Dying of the Light

Rage, Rage against the Dying of the Light! G P Deshponde A LEGEND has it that when the news of the French revolution reached the Maratha Court in Poona, the Peshwa Asked of his chief minister what it was all about. The chief minister promptly replied that some barbarians from across the sea had killed their monarch but the Peshwa need not worry. It would seem that the reaction of the establishment in this country to the war in East Bengal is not qualitatively different. The Bengal Mukti Fouj is, of course, not described as a bunch of barbarians. Their bravery, tenacity, courage and will to fight are all appreciated in full measure. Unlike the Poona Court, the Delhi Court in fact passed a solemn resolution of sympathy and support. However, the accent has all along been on caution, circumspection, reluctance to commit

China and South Asia

China and South Asia Indrajit RECENT political events in the countries of South Asia have almost certainly made the policies of the major world powers towards this region irrelevant. The most significant of all the changes in this area are those taking place in Pakistan. During the sixties, an impression had gained ground in world capitals that Pakistan had resolved its problems and was going to continue as the most stable of all the countries of the region. Both the rate of economic growth and the apparent stability of the Ayub regime proved to be deceptive. Within a period of two years, Pakistan has virtually ceased to exist as a united country. Even if the present crisis is resolved through a negotiated settlement of the issues between East and West Pakistan, the old structure in which all the Great Powers had made both political and economic investments can never be revived, REVIVAL OF HOPE FOR INDIA As these developments have been taking place in Pakistan, the assumption (perhaps equally shared by the major powers) that India was in the midst of a deep crisis and that even the disintegration of the Indian state could not be ruled out as a possible development, has proved to be erroneous. It is by now well known that many countries friendly to India were as much worried by the prospect of chaos and conflict in this country as were many others hostile to us encouraged by the same prospects. Whatever else the 1971 elections may not . have done, it has certainly demonstrated the viability of the Indian state and of the Indian political system, .

The Central Contradiction

The Central Contradiction Sumanta Banerjee THE political monopoly of the Congress was the main plank in the last General Elections. The emphasis this time has shifted to national economic policies. If Indira Gandhi sometimes seems to be the centre of attention, It is because she is identified with these policies.

National Agricultural Credit Policy

National Agricultural Credit Policy M Narasimham AGRICULTURAL credit is best considered as an element of the total credit picture in the economy. Its availability and cost should appropriately form part of the total resources availability to the credit institutions which determines their ability to purvey credit in the amounts and at the rates they do. This, obviously, is an approach to the problem from the side of supply of credit. But the supply side is not all, There is the question of the appropriate level of demand for agricultural credit This, in turn, depends upon the level at which the agricultural economy is operating, the new directions into which agriculture is expanding and the tech- no-economic requirements of agricultural production and investment.

A Case for Sub-States

Meghalaya has caused undeserved damage to the idea of regional autonomy. As a sub-state it was the first and only experiment of its kind in India, which has now been abandoned without a fair trial. Perhaps the potentiality of the experiment for promoting cohesion within a State through dispersal of political power was never appreciated. Perhaps it was just a grudging attempt to meet the Hill people's demand for a separate State half-way and, in effect, was meant to be a stepping stone to full statehood.

Governor, Chief Minister and Coalitions

October 17, 1970 rence must be made to the latest discussion on land reforms, occasioned by the Chief Ministers' conference and deliberations in the Congress(R) Working Committee. For, it is probably no accident that while most metropolitan newspapers urged further reforms and the speeding up of accepted ones, the provincial papers generally advised restraint! "Why this hurry?" asked Indian Nation. "The Centre has practically no stake in the matter. But the Chief Ministers, at least those among them who are far-sighted, know that the brunt of any ill-conceived measure on land will fall on them." Deccan Chronicle similarly said that "the Chief Ministers have quite rightly spoken against arbitrary and uniform downward revision of land ceilings... Far from bringing prosperity all round, it will only accentuate the disparity in wealth." Amrita Bazar Patrika, on the other hand, asked how it was that "the Congress High Command was unable to exert sufficient pressure even on the Congress Chief Ministers, who were among the most vocal opponents of lower land ceilings?... The Chief Ministers apparently did not show the expected sense of urgency even though it [land reform] is admittedly one of the most pressing problems before the country now".

Annihilation of Class Enemies-CPI(ML) Tactics at Critical Point

'Annihilation of Class Enemies' CPI(ML) Tactics at Critical Point Sumanta Banerjee THE present differences among Indian Maoists about tactics highlight some of the basic problems bound to be faced by any group planning to organise a revolution in the current Indian situation.

Confusion over Land Reforms-West Bengal Experience

cerned with the man himself than his discoveries. "Rejected by India in 1956, Dr Khorana made his abode in America" it wrote. "What would have happened, had the Indian science bosses accepted him fourteen years ago?'' What indeed? More particularly, "the Wisconsin University pays Dr Khorana Rs 3 lakhs (40,000 dollars) per year and he is one of the top-paid employees of the university". Yet, "no one in America calls him 'salary-oriented". The Government of India, concluded the paper, "has yet to develop a 'scientific mind' without which it can't do proper justice to its men of science".


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