ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

PerspectivesSubscribe to Perspectives

Notes towards a China Policy

how have a friendly Bangla Desh and in the West a weak Pakistan, the strength of the Indian Army is unlikely to he reduced. As already Indicated, a weak Pakistan, because of its internal instability, is likely to be seen as a continuing threat to India. Any attempt by Pakistan to get aligned with Iran and Afghanistan on the basis of Islam will also create disquiet in India. Moreover, suspicion of China has been aroused again in India. Under these circumstances no political leadership will risk a reduction in troop strengths.

Towards a New Equilibrium in Asia

change by mouthing the relevant slogans and winning a massive mandate on the basis of a radical programme. Whether it is able to fulfil all its promises or not, it has certainly changed the political culture of Pakistan to an appreciable degree. Pakistani society can never be the same again, The PPPs major drawback is that while it represents Punjab and Sind, it had not been able to do well in the elections in the NWFP and Baluchistan. But the forces of change in these two provinces are working through the National Awami Party (NAP) which has a longer history of relevant radicalism than even the PPP. If an understanding can be arrived at between the PPP and NAP and the two smaller provinces can be accommodated in Pakistan's new power structure, Pakistan's problems of national integration as well as social change may become much easier than they seem to be on the surface.

Indian Security after Bangla Desh

important than economic assistance, which India can offer only in limited quantities, is the political support we can provide to strengthen the concept of freedom and independence in this area. One thing is certain, if South- East Asia is swallowed up by any one of the big Asian powers or divided between any two of them in the way of spheres of influence, there will be no equilibrium in Asia but only overlord- ship and consequent conflicts.

A Time for Humility

A Time for Humility Contributed THE avid dissectors of the class character of a nation may disagree, but, for the people of Bangla Desh, liberation from Pakistani colonial subjugation is a great qualitative step forward even if one were to consider the matter in terms of broad historical sweeps. The emotions which an expatriate from that land experiences at this juncture are peculiarly mixed. Joy wells up, joy at the magnificence of the grit demonstrated by practically the entire Bengali populace. But there is also a feeling of guilt and shame. What share can an expatriate protend to have of this glory, what right does he have to lay claim or. a portion of the pride which, from now on, will be the heritage of every citizen of Bangla Desh?

The Impact of Bangla Desh

The Impact of Bangla Desh Sisir Gupta THE two international aspects of the impact of the emergence of Bangla Desh on which it may be worthwhile to speculate are: (a) the possible effects of the restructuring of the subcontinent on intra-regional relations in South Asia and (b) the likely changes in great power attitudes and policies towards this region. Obviously, the effects of the structural changes in the subcontinent will be of utmost significance for the pattern of inter-state relations in South Asia. Even the worst pessimists will assume that India's relations with Bangla Desh will be much friendlier than what obtained between India and Pakistan. Even if the two countries decide to ignore the dictates of geography and of their economic needs and to refrain from having a special relationship with each other, Bangla Desh cannot possibly ever develop the kind of obsession with India that Pakistan had displayed in the past. Its nationalism is bound to be modern and self-contained; unlike Pakistan it will not base its claim to nationhood on the fantasy of In do-Islamic identity nor will it have to refer to India in negative terms every time that it wants to establish a rationale for its separate existence. Therefore, the worst that could happen between India and Bangla Desh is that each would have, in relation to the other, the normal problems of conducting relations with a noigh- MUTUAL GOODWILL But there are many reasons why one could legitimately hope that India and Bangla Desh will achieve a high level of co-operation and friendliness in their relations. In the first place the history of the freedom struggle of the people of Bangla Desh will be the most dominant feature of the frame of reference of the foreign policy makers in Dacca. So great has been the Indian contribution to the achievement of their freedom that the people of Bangla Desh are likely to view this country and its leadership as their genuine friends. This immense fund of goodwill for India cannot be easily exhausted and New Delhi will have to show a very high capacity to mishandle this relationship to be hated in Dacca.

Problem of Refugees from East Bengal

Problem of Refugees from East Bengal P N Luthra MIGRATIONS of uprooted humanity have taken place in very early times in the history of man. Records show that the Roman Empire received many waves of refugees from North and East. Amongst the countless refugee tragedies, there were the Jews of the Dispersion, the? Armenian refugees from the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Whites who migrated after the 1917 Revolution. More latterly, we have the case of Spanish Republicans who fled to France in 1939 and the Germans and Austrians

China, India and Japan

China, India and Japan Dhananjoy THE voting on the restoration of China's legitimate rights in the United Nations hides a few realities regarding the attitudes of member States towards Peking. Nut all among those who voted for the Albanian resolution are friends of China and some among those who voted against it are not as hostile to Peking as appears on the surface. The Chinese Foreign Office may, therefore, not regard the list of those who voted for and against (and those who abstained) as the basis on which it will evolve relationships in the United Nations. For example, Israel voted with the Arabs for Peking but it would be difficult for Tel Aviv to expect any benefit in terms of Chinese attitudes to the Arab-Israeli question. Similarly, Thailand's abstention and Malaysia's support may mean very little of diffe- renee for Chinese purposes.

Towards a Tripolar Game

Towards a Tripolar Game Dhananjoy THE announcement that a Soviet- American Summit will take place in May will cause little surprise in the world. Both the Super Powers had been maintaining mutual contacts at various levels for over a decade and meetings at the highest level have also taken place in the past. Nixon himself will be no stranger in Moscow though he may not conduct a kitchen debate this time. There is more important business to be negotiated: it will be appropriate for a Soviet-American summit to announce some progress in the Salt Talks just as it might declare the intention of both Governments to seriously consider schemes of balanced troops reduction in Europe. The number of agreements that have already been negotiated between the United States and the Soviet Union is by no means insignificant. Ever since the non-proliferation treaty, the two Powers have found it possible to agree on a number of subjects like prohibition of biological warfare, non- use of sea-beds for military purposes and providing safeguards against accidental nuclear war. Of still greater significance is the recent agreement on Berlin which clears the way for a new approach to European security.

Prospects for the Balkan States

circumscribe the area of private enterprise and reduce aggregate profits. But it would not necessarily lower the rate of profits in areas that are still un-enclosed. The share of labour in the national income would improve in both instances.

Garibi Hatao-Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg

'Garibi Hatao' Making the Capitalist Heti Lay the Socialist Egg D Ghosh WE are a poor people, In recent years the income per head in this country has been of the order of rupee one per day. How little a rupee can buy in these days of high prices need not be worked out in detail.

The Indo-Soviet Treaty

Minister and also former President-designate, Gerhard Schrocder, supports Kohl for the party post and himsell for the post or Chancellor-designate; picscnt Parliamentary Party leader, Ratwr Barzel, would like to elect himself For both the posts, as earlier held by Adenauer, Erhard, and Kiesinger. The sisler-CSU party leader, Strauss, till now supports Barzel for the twin candidature, but his party has already announced that the election of the Chancellor-designate could not penman- ently remain the exclusive preserve of the CDU, The 'Young Union", a pressure group within the CDU, has recently announced its decision in favour of splitting the posts and supporting liar/el for Chancellor and Kohl for the Party. Hut, till now, Barzel has stuck to his decision of either both or none; and, it does not seem unlikely that he would eat the cake and have it too. But if Kohl manages to have the party decide in favour of separating the posts, and Barzel sticks to his promise, CSU leader Strauss would perhaps no longer stay on the sidelines and is most likely to demand his pound of flesh.

One Socialist Party Again

One Socialist Party Again (From a Special Correspondent) ON the 9th of August, the Praja Socialist Party and the Samyukta Socialist Party will merge to form a new socialist party, with invitations to other socialist groups and individuals to join it. The SSP Convention has already ratified the merger decision. Two questions arise; (i) Will' the unity last; and, (ii) if it does, what impact will it have on Indian politics?

Pages

Back to Top