p ercentage points indicating a high seats-
Sixteenth Assembly Elections
vote disproportionality in SP’s favour. (Over the years, UP has seen multi-corin Uttar Pradesh nered contests where the leading party
A
Table 1A: Summary Electoral Participation: Electorate, Turnout and Number of Candidates Compared to the Assembly Election (2007)
Assembly Election | Change from | |
---|---|---|
2012 | 2007 (%) | |
Total electorate | 12,58,10,314 | +10.6 |
Male electorate | 6,92,75,608 | +12.4 |
Female electorate | 5,65,29,768 | +8.8 |
Other electorate | 4,938 | - |
Total voters | 7,58,29,264 | +45.3 |
Total turnout | 60.3% | +14.3 |
Male turnout | 58.8% | +9.5 |
Female turnout | 60.3% | +18.4 |
Number of candidates | 6,839 | +12.4 |
For electorate, voters and candidates the change is in %, with 2007 as the base. Change in turnout is computed in
has benefited from the seat-vote dispro
portionality, as the BSP did in 2007. This the 2007 assembly elections, and secured time in the case of the SP it was even 29.15% of the vote, a gain of nearly 4 per-higher.) The BJP finished third with 47 centage points since 2007 (in terms of seats and 15% of the vote, a decline of seats, this was the best performance by four seats and 2% votes respectively since any party since the Congress’ victory in 2007. The Congress managed to win 28 1985 when it won 269 of the 425 seats of seats, a marginal increase of six seats since undivided Uttar Pradesh). On the other 2007 and garnered nearly 12% of the hand, its main rival, the incumbent BSP vote, up 3 percentage points. Its alliance performed poorly. From the 2007 high of partner the RLD won nine seats with 2% 206 seats, the BSP crashed to just 80 of the total vote, a drop of one seat and seats, a massive drop of 126. The party 1% vote, respectively. Among the smaller s ecured almost 26% of the vote, down 4.5 parties, the Peace Party was the best percentage points since 2007. The gap p erformer winning four seats (all gains, between the SP and the BSP in terms of since it was contesting for the fi rst time) vote share however was that of just 3 and securing 2% of the vote (Table 1B).
Table 1B: Summary Results: Seats Contested, Won and Votes Secured by Major Parties in Alliances, Compared to the Assembly Election (2007)
Seats | Seats | Gain/Loss | Vote Share | Vote % | Vote Swing | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Contested | Won | of Seats | (%) | Per Seat | Since 2007 | |
since 2007 | Contested | (% Points) | ||||
Indian National Congress+ (INC+) | 401 | 37 | +5 | 13.96 | 14.01 | +1.65 |
Indian National Congress (INC) | 355 | 28 | +6 | 11.63 | 13.22 | +3.02 |
Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) | 46 | 9 | -1 | 2.33 | 20.01 | -1.37 |
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) | 398 | 47 | -4 | 15 | 15.19 | -1.97 |
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) | 403 | 80 | -126 | 25.91 | 25.91 | -4.52 |
Samajwadi Party (SP) | 401 | 224 | +127 | 29.15 | 29.27 | +3.72 |
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) | 127 | 1 | +1 | 0.33 | 1.05 | +0.23 |
Peace Party (PP) | 208 | 4 | +4 | 2.35 | 4.53 | +2.35 |
Quami Ekta Dal (QED) | 43 | 2 | +2 | 0.55 | 5.31 | +0.55 |
Apna Dal (AD) | 76 | 1 | +1 | 0.90 | 4.86 | -0.16 |
Communist Party of India (CPI) | 51 | 0 | 0 | 0.13 | 1.06 | +0.04 |
Communist Party of India (Marxist) – CPI(M) | 17 | 0 | 0 | 0.09 | 2.13 | -0.21 |
All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) | 145 | 0 | 0 | 0.36 | 0.99 | +0.36 |
percentage points, compared to turnout in 2007.
Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) 219 0 -1 0.36 0.66 -0.06
Source: Figures available from the official website of the
Lok Janshakti Party 212 0 0 0.23 0.43 +0.07
chief electoral officer, Uttar Pradesh; http://ceouttarpradesh.nic.in/, and Election Commission Others 2,449 1 -6 7.45 – +1.71
of India website http://eci.nic.in; accessed on 9 March 2012; Data aggregated and recomputed by the CSDS data unit.
Most of the major parties in the state, namely, the incumbent Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Samajwadi Party (SP), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) went into the election on their own. The I ndian National Congress (INC/Congress) however contested in an alliance with the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). While the Congress fielded candidates in 355 seats,
Independents 1,689 6 -3 3.21 – -3.76
Total 6,839 403 0 100 –
Table 1C: Comparative Analysis of Seats Won by Different Victory Margins: Assembly Elections
(2007 and 2012)
Victory Margins (Votes) Total Seats Cong+RLD BJP BSP SP Others 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012
the RLD contested 46 seats. | Up to 1,000 | 27 | 24 | 2 | 1 | 5 | 3 | 9 | 5 | 10 | 14 | 1 | 1 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
The final outcome, a clear mandate for the SP and a substantial decline of the BSP, was widely seen to be a surprise. SP recorded its best-ever performance winning a total of 224 seats, 127 more than | 1,001-5,000 122 65 7 8 15 5 5,001-10,000 115 92 6 11 16 13 10,001 and above 139 222 17 17 15 26 Total 403 403 32 37 51 47 “Others” in this table include other smaller parties and independents. Source: As in Table 1B. | 55 64 78 206 | 20 26 29 80 | 38 25 24 97 | 29 36 145 224 | 7 4 5 17 | 3 6 5 15 | ||||||
80 | April 7, 2012 | vol xlviI no 14 | Economic & Political Weekly |

SPECIAL STATISTICS: 2012 STATE ELECTIONS
If we analyse the result in terms of Table 2A: Region-wise and District-wise Analysis: Turnout and Performance of Major Alliances and Parties
victory margins, we fi nd that the number
Regions/Districts Total Turnout Congress+RLD BJP SP BSP Independents Others of seats that were won by a margin of Seats (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%)
over 10,000 votes went up from 139 in Rohilkhand 52 65.0 2 12.8 8 18.9 29 28.9 11 22.7 0 1.9 2 14.7
the previous election to 222 this time Bijnor 8 65.1 0 14.5 2 20.4 2 20.8 4 30.0 0 1.3 0 13.0 and two-thirds of such seats were won
Moradabad 9 65.5 0 10.8 1 24.1 7 29.9 0 19.2 0 1.7 1 14.3
Rampur 5 60.7 2 23.4 0 14.9 2 30.5 1 17.0 0 1.6 0 12.6
by the SP. Moreover, SP won a majority of
Jyotiba Phule Nagar 4 70.4 0 10.5 0 15.7 4 33.3 0 24.3 0 1.1 0 15.1
its seats by huge margins. Sixty-fi ve per
Budaun 7 61.4 0 16.2 0 8.2 5 35.8 2 24.6 0 1.7 0 13.4
cent of the seats won by the SP were won
Bareilly 9 65.5 0 4.5 3 23.2 3 26.1 2 20.2 0 2.9 1 23.2
by margins of over 10,000 votes. In
Pilibhit 4 68.6 0 13.1 1 27.7 3 25.3 0 17.6 0 2.3 0 13.9
2007, the BSP had won only 38% of its
Shahjahanpur 6 65.7 0 14.9 1 14.2 3 31.7 2 27.5 0 2.4 0 9.3 total 206 seats by such huge margins. Awadh 73 61.0 4 14.4 3 10.8 55 32.9 8 25.7 2 4.7 1 11.5
Both the Congress-RLD alliance and the Kheri 8 65.0 0 13.3 1 13.0 4 32.1 3 25.7 0 4.5 0 11.5
BJP also won most of their seats this time Sitapur 9 65.6 0 17.3 0 6.4 7 34.3 2 32.0 0 2.1 0 7.9
Hardoi 8 61.7 0 8.0 0 4.6 6 37.2 2 33.0 0 2.8 0 14.4
by huge margins. Contrary to popular
Unnao 6 60.3 0 10.9 0 17.4 5 33.2 1 27.3 0 4.0 0 7.1
impression, the seats which were decided
Lucknow 9 57.9 1 16.5 1 16.7 7 29.7 0 21.4 0 1.6 0 14.1
by very small margins (up to 1,000
Rae Bareli 7 60.7 1 24.2 0 5.4 5 32.2 0 17.8 0 3.0 1 17.4
votes) were shared in the same propor-
Sultanpur 8 58.4 1 14.9 0 10.0 7 35.8 0 24.3 0 5.5 0 9.6
tion as the rest. The SP did not benefi t
Pratapgarh 7 54.2 1 12.5 0 10.9 4 20.5 0 23.5 2 18.9 0 13.7 from smaller margins (Table 1C, p 80). Barabanki 7 65.2 0 14.6 1 12.6 6 35.2 0 24.5 0 3.4 0 9.6
Out of the seven regions of Uttar Faizabad 4 60.5 0 9.1 0 13.0 4 39.4 0 24.4 0 4.9 0 9.2
Pradesh as classified by Centre for the East 81 57.3 4 8.1 6 10.5 52 32.4 13 27.9 3 5.0 3 16.1 Kaushambi 3 58.8 0 8.9 1 11.5 0 29.8 2 33.5 0 6.4 0 9.9
Study of Developing Societies (CSDS),
Allahabad 12 56.0 1 9.1 0 8.8 8 28.7 3 28.6 0 7.4 0 17.4
the SP was ahead of its rivals in fi ve
Ambedkar Nagar 5 63.0 0 5.9 0 4.3 5 46.9 0 34.2 0 2.4 0 6.4
(Rohilkhand, Awadh, east, Doab and
Azamgarh 10 55.0 0 6.9 0 10.2 9 39.0 1 30.0 0 2.0 0 11.9
north-east) both in terms of votes and
Mau 4 56.6 0 7.5 0 4.8 2 28.9 1 28.0 0 1.8 1 29.1
seats. It was only in west and Bundelkhand
Ballia 7 54.0 0 6.6 1 15.5 5 29.3 1 23.1 0 4.0 0 21.5 that the BSP managed to gain an upper Jaunpur 9 55.6 1 7.5 1 14.4 7 33.8 0 27.3 0 6.0 0 11.2
hand, but here too the party had to suffer Ghazipur 7 57.6 0 3.9 0 6.0 6 36.1 0 27.6 0 2.0 1 24.4
losses compared to 2007 and this was Chandauli 4 61.4 0 3.6 0 9.2 1 28.4 1 29.8 2 16.4 0 12.7 largely due to some impressive gains Varanasi 8 58.2 1 18.1 3 16.1 1 20.4 2 21.1 0 2.0 1 22.5
Sant Ravidas Nagar 3 56.3 0 2.8 0 7.2 3 45.1 0 31.7 0 1.7 0 11.5
made by SP. Of the five regions where SP
Mirzapur 5 62.4 1 13.3 0 10.9 3 32.8 1 28.1 0 2.1 0 12.8
was ahead, the party registered its best
Sonbhadra 4 58.7 0 6.5 0 12.7 2 27.6 1 26.1 1 17.3 0 9.9
performance in the region of Awadh win-
West 44 62.8 8 23.7 9 17.3 10 20.5 17 29.2 0 2.8 0 6.4
ning 55 of the 73 seats on offer and accu-
Saharanpur 7 71.6 1 30.2 1 11.2 1 21.1 4 30.6 0 4.3 0 2.6
mulating a total vote share of 33%. With-
Muzaffarnagar 9 61.2 2 22.3 2 20.0 2 22.1 3 27.8 0 3.0 0 4.9 in Awadh, the party did particularly well Meerut 7 65.4 0 20.2 4 24.0 3 25.0 0 23.3 0 1.8 0 5.7
in Faizabad wining all the four seats in Baghpat 3 58.8 1 37.3 0 3.9 0 15.5 2 35.5 0 1.2 0 6.6
the district. In Lucknow district the party Ghaziabad 8 59.7 2 22.8 0 20.0 2 18.0 4 32.3 0 2.2 0 4.7 Gautam Buddha Nagar 3 56.5 0 20.6 1 21.7 0 17.1 2 33.7 0 2.3 0 4.5
ended up with seven of the nine seats,
Bulandshahar 7 62.2 2 20.0 1 13.5 2 19.6 2 27.4 0 3.7 0 15.7
whereas in Unnao it won five of the six
Doab 73 61.1 8 14.5 8 16.5 41 29.4 15 26.8 1 3.7 0 9.1
seats. In Rae Bareli and Sultanpur,
Aligarh 7 63.0 3 26.3 0 12.8 4 19.9 0 24.6 0 3.2 0 13.2
pocket-boroughs of the Nehru-Gandhi
Mahamaya Nagar 3 62.2 0 14.6 0 10.2 1 33.9 2 35.4 0 2.6 0 3.2
family, the SP won 12 of the 15 seats and
Mathura 5 65.2 4 36.2 0 14.6 0 8.3 1 25.7 0 4.1 0 11.0 the Congress managed to win just two. In Agra 9 62.1 0 12.8 2 18.2 1 25.0 6 33.1 0 5.6 0 5.3
east, the SP won 52 out of the 81 seats in Firozabad 5 64.7 0 2.9 1 15.2 3 41.8 1 29.3 0 6.4 0 4.4
the region with a vote share of 32%. SP’s Etah 7 61.7 0 9.7 0 9.1 6 32.5 1 22.7 0 2.6 0 23.4 performance in Ambedkar Nagar where Mainpuri 4 60.0 0 9.1 0 10.7 4 42.7 0 26.7 0 2.3 0 8.5
Farrukhabad 4 58.9 0 11.2 0 17.8 3 26.4 0 14.9 1 9.8 0 20.0
it won all five seats and in Azamgarh
Kannauj 3 58.4 0 4.3 0 22.0 3 39.5 0 26.5 0 2.6 0 5.1
where it won nine of the 10 seats was
Etawah 3 61.2 0 4.3 0 12.3 3 47.1 0 30.2 0 0.4 0 5.8
particularly impressive. In north-east
Auraiya 3 60.4 0 5.6 0 21.4 3 38.6 0 28.7 0 1.0 0 4.7
(southern Terai region bordering Nepal),
Kanpur Dehat 4 63.7 0 11.5 0 14.5 3 32.7 1 30.7 0 5.2 0 5.6
SP won 32 of the 61 seats with a vote
Kanpur Nagar 10 55.9 1 19.6 4 25.8 5 26.9 0 22.3 0 2.0 0 3.3 share of 28%. In terms of seats, the BJP Fatehpur 6 60.7 0 14.9 1 19.7 2 24.5 3 26.4 0 2.7 0 11.8
finished second in this region winning Bundelkhand 19 62.8 4 18.6 3 18.9 5 25.3 7 26.2 0 4.1 0 7.0
10 seats, half of which came from (Contd)
EPW
Table 2A: Continued Gorakhpur and Bahraich districts. In Doab,
Regions/Districts Total Turnout Congress+RLD BJP SP BSP Independents Others
with 73 seats, the main contest was bet-
Seats (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%)
ween the SP and the BSP with the former
Jalaun 3 61.5 1 18.9 0 14.9 1 23.9 1 26.6 0 1.3 0 14.5
emerging ahead with 41 seats. Within
Jhansi 4 64.6 0 16.1 1 20.9 2 27.9 1 28.4 0 3.0 0 3.7
this region, the SP swept the districts
Lalitpur 2 73.6 0 12.9 0 22.5 0 24.8 2 27.5 0 6.9 0 5.3
of Etawah, Kannuaj, Etah, Mainpuri,
Hamirpur 2 59.9 1 26.7 1 17.0 0 22.7 0 22.1 0 5.0 0 6.5
Farrukhabad, Auraiya and Kanpur Dehat.
Mahoba 2 62.9 0 17.2 1 26.5 0 23.2 1 23.3 0 4.3 0 5.5
The BSP performed best in Agra, and in
Banda 4 57.5 2 24.8 0 15.1 1 24.2 1 26.0 0 3.3 0 6.6 Chitrakoot 2 61.7 0 12.0 0 18.0 1 30.2 1 26.7 0 7.9 0 5.2 Mathura district it was the RLD-Congress
North-east 61 55.9 7 12.2 10 17.7 32 28.1 9 22.7 0 5.9 3 13.4 alliance which emerged on top. In
Bahraich 7 59.9 2 21.1 2 20.0 2 21.5 1 21.0 0 6.6 0 9.9 Rohilkhand with 52 seats, the main con-
Shrawasti 2 61.7 0 17.9 0 20.2 2 33.0 0 19.5 0 5.0 0 4.5 test was between the SP, BSP and the BJP. Balrampur 4 50.1 0 12.4 0 15.5 4 31.6 0 20.1 0 5.4 0 15.0
Here the SP won 29 seats giving its best
Gonda 7 57.3 0 7.0 1 17.4 6 35.4 0 25.2 0 6.7 0 8.2
performance in the districts of Moradabad,
Siddharthnagar 5 53.0 0 10.1 1 17.3 3 30.9 0 21.2 0 4.7 1 15.9
Budaun and Pilibhit. In west where the
Basti 5 58.3 1 17.9 0 9.0 2 30.2 2 31.5 0 2.6 0 8.7
BSP finished ahead of the rest, the party
Sant Kabir Nagar 3 54.4 0 6.5 0 19.1 2 25.0 0 22.5 0 2.8 1 24.1
won most of its seats in the districts of
Maharajganj 5 61.5 1 16.3 1 18.6 2 26.9 1 18.9 0 1.9 0 17.4
Saharanpur, Baghpat, Gautam Buddha
Gorakhpur 9 53.1 0 4.4 3 21.4 1 24.9 4 25.6 0 7.6 1 16.1
Nagar and Ghaziabad. The BJP did well
Kushinagar 7 57.4 2 14.6 1 15.8 3 25.0 1 20.0 0 7.6 0 17.0 Deoria 7 52.2 1 10.3 1 18.8 5 30.3 0 21.3 0 9.1 0 10.2 in the district of Meerut winning four of
Total 403 60.3 37 13.9 47 15.0 224 29.2 80 25.9 6 4.1 9 11.9 the seven seats, the rest going to SP. For
“Others” in this table and in Tables 2B and 2C include other smaller parties and independents.
the Congress-RLD alliance which was
Source: As in Table 1B.
expected to do well in this region, the
Table 2B: Category-wise Analysis: Turnout and Performance of Major Alliances and Parties victories were few and far between. In by Reserved and General Constituencies
fact the only region where the Congress
Category Total Turnout Congress+RLD BJP SP BSP Independents Others Seats (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) seems to have put up a good fi ght is
Reserved (SC) 85 59.5 7 13.2 3 14.4 58 31.6 15 27.3 2 3.6 0 9.9 Bundelkhand, where the party won four
General 318 60.5 30 14.1 44 15.2 166 28.5 65 25.5 4 4.3 9 12.4 of the 19 seats on offer and fi nished third
Total 403 60.3 37 13.9 47 15.0 224 29.2 80 25.9 6 4.1 9 11.9 behind the BSP and the SP (Table 2A, p 81). Source: As in Table 1B.
Of all the 70 districts in the State, Lalitpur
Table 2C: Locality-wise Analysis: Turnout and Performance of Major Alliances and Parties district in Bundelkhand recorded the by Rural-Urban Nature of Constituency
highest voter turnout at 74%. If we com-
Locality Total Turnout Congress+RLD BJP SP BSP Independents Others
pare the turnout across regions, it was
Seats (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%) Won Vote (%)
Rural 308 61.0 28 13.7 21 12.3 183 30.3 64 26.6 5 4.5 7 12.7 the highest in Rohilkhand at 65% and
Semi-urban 60 59.8 5 13.2 6 19.3 32 26.9 14 26.1 1 3.6 2 10.8 lowest in north-east at 56%.
Urban 35 55.0 4 18.2 20 32.4 9 22.8 2 19.3 0 1.6 0 5.6 The electoral trend in favour of SP was
Total 403 60.3 37 13.9 47 15.0 224 29.2 80 25.9 6 4.1 9 11.9
Rural constituencies are those constituencies where less than 25% electors live in urban areas. Semi Urban constituencies are those constituencies where 25% and more but less than 75% of electors live in urban areas. Urban constituencies are those constituencies where 75% or more electors live in urban areas. The classification of constituencies is based on Census 2001 and description of constituency boundary provided by the Delimitation Commission 2002 read with the urban/rural location indicated on the top sheet of electoral rolls for each Polling Booth Area. Computation and classification has been
done by the CSDS data unit. Source: As in Table 1B.
Table 2D: Muslim Concentrated Seats-wise Analysis: Turnout and Performance of Major Alliances and Parties
Seats with Muslim | Total | Turnout | Congress+RLD | BJP | SP | BSP | ‘Muslim Parties’ | Independents | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Population | Seats | (%) | and Others | |||||||||||
Won | Vote (%) | Won Vote (%) | Won Vote (%) Won | Vote (%) Won | Vote (%) | Won Vote (%) | ||||||||
Up to 10% | 121 | 60.3 | 11 | 12.4 | 8 | 12.5 | 66 | 31.0 | 33 | 27.5 | 0 | 1.4 | 3 | 15.1 |
10.1% to 20.0% | 139 | 59.1 | 12 | 12.8 | 13 | 14.3 | 86 | 29.8 | 21 | 26.8 | 2 | 3.4 | 5 | 13.1 |
20.1% to 30.0% | 70 | 59.8 | 8 | 15.6 | 9 | 15.4 | 37 | 28.1 | 13 | 24.0 | 3 | 6.1 | 0 | 10.7 |
30.1% and above | 73 | 62.9 | 6 | 17.3 | 17 | 20.1 | 35 | 25.8 | 13 | 23.4 | 2 | 4.0 | 0 | 9.5 |
Total | 403 | 60.3 | 37 | 13.9 | 47 | 15.0 | 224 29.2 | 80 | 25.9 | 7 | 3.4 | 8 | 12.6 |
quite strong and pushed the BSP to the margins in the reserved scheduled caste (SC) constituencies (which tend to only marginally have a higher proportion of SCs). SP won 58 of the 85 SC seats on offer, leaving the BSP, which is considered to have an advantage in such seats, with only 15. This is a signifi cant turnaround considering that in 2007 (pre-delimitation), the BSP had won 61 of 89 reserved
April 7, 2012
SC seats and the SP had managed to win just 13 (Table 2B). If we analyse in terms of locality, then it was in the rural and semi-urban areas where the SP performed the best. The party won 183 of the 308 almost entirely rural seats (59%) and 32 of the 60 semi-urban seats (53%). However in almost entirely urban areas of Uttar Pradesh, it was the BJP that retained its dominance winning 20
vol xlviI no 14
SPECIAL STATISTICS: 2012 STATE ELECTIONS
of the total 35 seats. The Congress-RLD Table 3: Social Basis of Voting: Survey-based Estimates of Vote for Major Alliances/Parties by Gender, Age, Education, Locality, Class and Caste/Community in Assembly Elections (2007 and 2012)
alliance too did reasonably well here in
Congress BJP BSP SP RLD Others N for terms of votes (Table 2C, p 82). 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2007 2012 2012
An analysis of the results by propor-Age groups Up to 25 years 10 15 19 15 28 23 27 30 4 1 13 16 1,167
tion of Muslim population in constituen
26-35 years 8 11 19 16 30 26 26 29 4 3 13 14 1,879
cies reveals that contrary to popular im
36-45 years 8 11 18 13 32 29 24 27 3 2 14 18 1,661
pression, the SP’s performance in terms
46-55 years 8 11 18 16 31 24 25 30 5 2 13 17 844
of votes was much better in constituen
56 years and above 9 11 18 15 30 26 24 31 3 3 15 15 1,061
cies without any significant Muslim pop-Gender Men 9 11 19 16 30 27 25 28 4 3 13 16 3,940
ulation than in constituencies where
Women 8 12 18 14 32 25 26 31 3 2 13 16 2,673
Muslims are present in high numbers.
Level of education
For instance, while the SP secured
Non-literate 7 10 13 10 37 33 25 30 4 2 15 16 2,217
around 31% of the total vote in the 260
Up to primary 9 10 17 15 30 26 27 34 4 2 13 13 1,025 seats where Muslims constitute below Up to matric 9 10 20 16 28 26 27 28 4 3 12 18 1,665
20% of the population, it could manage College and above 11 17 27 21 22 17 23 27 4 3 12 15 1,693
lesser votes in seats with a larger con-Locality Rural 8 10 18 14 32 27 26 29 4 3 13 16 5,438
centration of Muslims. In constituencies
Urban 16 18 21 18 21 20 23 29 2 1 18 14 1,174
where Muslims are over 20% of the total
Class
population, the SP faced some stiff com
Upper 12 16 30 17 14 21 25 27 6 5 14 15 1,487 petition in terms of votes from the BSP, Middle 10 9 24 15 24 26 28 33 5 1 10 16 2,086
the BJP and other parties like the Peace Lower 10 12 15 15 33 26 25 28 2 2 15 18 1,916
Party and the Quami Ekta Dal. But here Poor 5 10 12 12 41 33 23 28 4 2 15 15 1,123
too it ended up winning many more Caste community Brahmin 19 13 44 38 16 19 10 19 3 1 8 11 522
seats (Table 2D, p 82).
Rajput 9 13 46 29 12 14 20 26 5 2 9 16 565
Survey-based estimates of vote by social
Vaishya 10 21 52 42 14 15 12 12 0 0 12 10 67*
background reveal that while both the SP
Other Upper Caste 12 13 41 17 15 17 17 15 1 4 14 34 450
and the BSP continue to get an over
Jats 2 11 18 7 10 16 8 7 61 45 2 15 132 whelming proportion of their total votes Yadav 4 4 5 9 7 11 72 66 1 1 10 10 657
from Yadavs and Jatavs, respectively Kurmi/Koeri 6 13 42 20 16 19 17 35 4 1 16 12 389
(their core voters), they were unable to Other OBC 9 12 17 17 30 19 20 26 6 3 19 23 768 Jatav 2 5 3 5 86 62 4 15 1 2 4 12 817
retain their 2007 dominance among
Balmiki 4 12 11 3 71 42 2 9 4 0 9 34 59*
these sections. While the SP saw a 6 per-
Pasi/Pano 7 7 12 4 53 57 16 24 0 0 11 9 178
centage point vote drop among Yadavs
Other SC 4 17 9 11 58 45 16 18 1 1 13 8 344
and Muslims, the BSP’s decline among
Muslim 14 18 3 7 17 20 45 39 8 1 13 15 1,105 Jatavs was even bigger. The extraordinary Others 12 9 14 16 30 23 23 31 3 0 18 21 559
polarisation of Jatav votes that was witnessed in favour of BSP in 2007 came down this time, with 62% of Jatavs voting for Mayawati’s party, a drop of 24 percentage points. While these fi gures may surprise many, it must be pointed out that this is a trend which was already noticed by a CSDS survey conducted in Uttar Pradesh in July 2011 when 66% of Jatavs had said they will vote for the BSP in the event of an immediate election. Among other dalit categories too (except the Pasis) the BSP lost votes this time compared to 2007.
The party’s votes declined by 29 percentage points among Balmikis, and 19 percentage points among Dhobis. The BSP’s loss of votes among dalits seems to have benefi ted SP the most. In fact, SP’s gains were most impressive among communities that are not considered as its
EPW
Table 4A: Level of Satisfaction with the Incumbent Government (2007 and 2012)
Satisfaction with Incumbent SP Govt BSP Govt N in Government 2007 2012 2012
Satisfied with performance 49 49 3,576 Dissatisfied with performance 35 39 2,860 No opinion 16 12 855
core supporters. Among brahmins for instance the SP secured 19% of the votes, up 9 percentage points since 2007. Among Rajputs its vote share went up by 6% and among Kurmi and Koeris its votes more than doubled. Not just that, SP gained across categories of age, education, gender, class and locality. Among men, women, poor, rich, rural and u rban voters, SP’s gains were in the range of 3 to 5 percentage points since 2007. While the BSP lost a significant chunk of its core, it seems to have held on to some of its gains among upper castes and Muslims in 2007. However among lower OBCs who had also given BSP an advantage in 2007,
Table 4B: Citizen's Assessment of the Work Done by Governments during Their Tenure for Various Public Goods and Services
Assessment of Governance Issues… BSP Government 2012 SP Government 2007 Improved Remained Same Deteriorated Improved Remained Same Deteriorated
the party lost 11% votes. It’s not just the BSP, but the BJP too which lost its grip over its traditional voters, namely, the brahmins, Rajputs and other upper castes. While the party came down 6 percentage points among brahmins, the losses among Rajputs and other upper castes were much bigger at 17 and 24 percentage points, respectively. Economically well off voters and college educated voters, core supporters of the BJP for a long time, also seem to have moved away from the party. In urban areas however, where the BJP has done well in the past, the party suffered only marginal losses. As for the Congress, while its performance was way below expectation, it did improve its performance among some
Table 4G: Most Important Election Issue
Development of UP 32 43 11 39 26 18 in Uttar Pradesh
Control of corruption 22 49 15 20 30 31 Price rise 36
Electricity supply 24 46 15 26 32 27 Condition of roads
Hospital facilities | 27 | 45 | 14 | 30 | 34 | 20 | Farmers’ problems | 14 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
School/college facilities | 31 | 41 | 12 | 34 | 28 | 18 | Unemployment | 7 |
Condition of roads | 20 | 49 | 16 | 42 | 27 | 19 | Corruption | 7 |
Security of common man’s life/property | 26 | 45 | 14 | 19 | 29 | 31 | Electricity, water, etc | 3 |
Hindu Muslim brotherhood | 25 | 45 | 14 | 22 | 29 | 23 | Development of state | 2 |
(1) All figures in % and rounded off; rows do not add up to 100 as those who said “Don’t know” have not been reported here.
Law and order
the last four/five years. Do you think the condition of the following has improved, deteriorated or remained same? (1) All figures are in % and rounded off; rest of the
Source: All figures are based on a post-poll/pre-poll surveys carried out by CSDS. Data sets weighted by actual vote share of respondents had no opinion
major parties/alliances. Sample size in 2007 pre-poll survey: 4,988. (2) Question asked in the survey: Now I will read out certain issues. Please tell me how important were they to you
Table 4C: Popularity of Incumbent Governments Table 4E: Trend in Popularity of Major Political while voting – very much, somewhat or not at all? Once
in Assembly Elections (2007 and 2012) Leaders as Most Preferred CM (2002-12) the respondent had given an answer to each of the issues (2) Question asked in surveys – Now I will ask you about the assessment of the work done by the government in the state in
Should the Government Get SP BSP N in Chief Minister Choices 2002 2004 2007 2009 2012 Another Chance? Government Government 2012Mulayam Singh Yadav 27 33 28 25 33 2007 2012
Mayawati 19 23 30 26 24
Yes 37 27 1,968
Rajnath Singh 21 7 2 10 8 No 47 48 3,514 Rahul Gandhi NA 1 7 4 7
Can’t say/No opinion 17 25 1,808
Table 4D: Comparison of BSP Government (2007-12) and SP Government (2003-07)
Comparing Governments | All |
BSP government better than | |
previous SP government | 25 |
Previous SP government better than | |
BSP government | 46 |
Both equally good/bad | 13 |
Akhilesh Yadav NA 0 1 1 2
Table 4F: Citizens’ Choice for Chief Minister if Samajwadi Party Wins
Who Should Be Chief Minister If SP Wins? | All | SP Voters |
---|---|---|
Mulayam Singh | 48 | 65 |
Akhilesh Yadav | 20 | 16 |
April 7, 2012
put before him/her, a follow up question was asked to the respondent where only those answer categories where the respondent had said “very much” in the first question were read out again, and the respondent was asked to choose from among them the single most important election issue. The follow up question was not applicable to those who did not say “very much” for any of the issues that we put before him/her. Source: Figures are based on a post-poll survey carried out by CSDS; Data set weighted by actual vote share of major parties/alliances.
Table 4H: Citizens’ Opinion on Division of Uttar Pradesh
Opinion on Division of UP in… | Support | Oppose | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
Division | Division | |||
2011 | 2012 | 2011 | 2012 | |
Overall | 29 | 37 | 32 | 35 |
Poorvanchal | 28 | 36 | 30 | 38 |
Awadh | 29 | 31 | 36 | 45 |
Bundelkhand | 20 | 32 | 22 | 27 |
Paschim | 32 | 42 | 36 | 30 |
vol xlviI no 14
SPECIAL STATISTICS: 2012 STATE ELECTIONS
Table 4I: Citizens’ Opinion on Statues Built by BSP Government
respondents were specifically asked to
Statements All Dalits
compare the two governments in the
Agree Disagee Agree Disagee
EC was right in covering statues of Mayawati and elephants during elections 48 16 37 23
BSP government has wasted money on building statues and parks 51 25 45 28
parties/alliances.
sections. The party made gains among dalits, Kurmis and Koeris, Muslims, Poor, Young (18-25 years) and the college educated compared to 2007. That said, it had done much better among these sections in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and was s imply unable to retain that same level of support. While age was not much of a factor this time, Gender certainly was with the BSP losing the edge it had among women in 2007. While 32% of the women had voted for BSP in 2007, this time only 25% voted for the party. In terms of locality, most of BSP’s losses came among rural voters. The SP, on the other hand, gained among both rural and urban voters in equal measure. In terms of class, the BSP improved in the upper and middle sections but lost substantially among the lower sections and the poor. The SP gained across classes, whereas the BJP saw its support drop among the
Table 4J: Citizens’ Awareness and Support for 4.5% Quota for Minorities within OBC Quota
Reservation Issue | All | Muslims |
---|---|---|
Those who have heard of 4.5% quota for minorities within OBC quota | 42 | 51 |
Support 4.5% quota for minorities within OBC quota (among those who have heard) | 48 | 60 |
Table 4K: Party of Second Preference
Party of Second Preference %
Congress 18
upper and middle classes. The Congress which did well mostly among the upper class in 2007, made some gains among the lower economic sections this time (Table 3, p 83).
The CSDS post poll survey fi ndings show that the satisfaction of people with the BSP government was exactly the same as the satisfaction expressed by voters with the SP government in 2007 when a similar survey was conducted (Table 4A, p 84). Even on issues of governance, there was very little difference on how people assessed the performance of the BSP government and the SP government in 2007. While on the issue of controlling corruption and maintaining peace and security, the BSP government was rated better than what the SP government had been rated in 2007, but it was seen to have performed much worse as far as the condition of roads was concerned (Table 4B, p 84).
The Mayawati-led BSP government it seems was also as unpopular as the previous SP government led by Mulayam Singh Yadav. When voters were asked whether the government should get another chance to rule, nearly half of them (48%) said no and only 27% were willing to give it another chance. When the same question was asked during a similar survey in 2007, 47% had wanted the then Mulayam Singh government to go and 37% had said it should get another chance (Table 4C, p 84). However when post-poll survey this time, nearly half of them (46%) said that the previous SP government had been better and only 25% said the BSP government was better (Table 4D, p 84).
The survey reveals that the most popular leader in Uttar Pradesh at present is Mulayam Singh Yadav and by a wide margin. While 33% wanted him to be the next chief minister of the state, 24% wanted Mayawati to continue as chief minister. Rajnath Singh and Rahul Gandhi were the choice of 8% and 7% voters respectively. Akhilesh Yadav was the choice of 2% of the respondents (Table 4E, p 84). When respondents were asked who they would prefer as chief minister if the SP came to power, Mulayam Singh or his son Akhilesh, nearly half of them opted for father. Among SP voters, two-thirds preferred Mulayam Singh (Table 4F, p 84).
The survey revealed that price rise was the most important issue for voters (36%) during the election. Condition of roads emerged as the second most important issue (26%), followed by farmers’ problems (14%). Corruption was an issue for 7% of the voters (Table 4G, p 84).
On the issue of dividing Uttar Pradesh into smaller states, there is greater support for division today than it was seven months ago. While 37% of the respondents agreed with the statement that “ Uttar Pradesh should be divided into smaller states”, a slightly lesser proportion 35% disagreed. When the same question was asked during a survey conducted by CSDS in July 2011 (before the proposal by the Mayawati government to divide Uttar Pradesh into four smaller states), those in favour of dividing UP were marginally lesser than those against it, across regions. The 2012 post-poll
Table 4L: Citizens’ Choice of Future Leader: Rahul Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav, Jayant Chaudhury or Varun Gandhi
SP 13
Those Who Have Faith in... All Among Cong+ Among SP Among BJP Among Voters
Voters Voters Voters of Other Parties
BJP 9
Rahul Gandhi as a future leader 38 64 31 33 37
BSP 5
Varun Gandhi as a future leader 7 3 3 23 4
able to vote for your favourite party/party of first choice because of a bad/unsuitable candidate fielded by it, then in
(1) All figures are in % and rounded off; rest of the respondents had no opinion.
(2) Question asked in the survey: Now I will ask you to compare four young leaders – Rahul Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav, Jayant Source: Figures are based on a post-poll survey carried out Chaudhury and Varun Gandhi. In your opinion who among them do you trust the most as a future leader? by CSDS; Data set weighted by actual vote share of major Source: Figures are based on a post-poll survey carried out by CSDS; Data set weighted by actual vote share of major parties/alliances. parties/alliances.
such a situation which other party would you vote for?
Economic & Political Weekly
EPW
survey reveals that while most people in Poorvanchal and Awadh oppose the idea of division, in Bundelkhand and Paschim there are more people who are in support of the idea than those who are against it (Table 4H, p 84).
Nearly half the respondents were of the view that the Election Commission did the right thing by ordering the covering of the statues of Mayawati and the Elephant during the elections. Only 16% said it was a wrong decision. Even among dalits most felt the EC did no wrong. Majority of the respondents (51%) were also of the view that the BSP government had wasted money on building statues and parks (Table 4I, p 85).
Less than half the respondents had heard of the recent announcement by the central government of giving reservation to minorities within the OBC quota. However many of those who had heard about the move supported it (48%) (Table 4J, p 85).
The Congress Party may have performed below expectations but appears to have created some potential for itself for the future by emerging as the second preference party among voters. When people were asked which party would they vote for if the party of their fi rst choice put up a bad candidate, most (18%) said Congress (Table 4K, p 85).
Another reason for hope for the Congress is that more people have faith in R ahul Gandhi as a future leader compared to Akhilesh Yadav, Jayant Chaudhury and Varun Gandhi. When asked who among the four would make the best leader in the future, 38% said Rahul Gandhi and 20% opted for Akhilesh Yadav. Even among SP voters, Rahul Gandhi did rather well on this question (Table 4L, p 85).
Survey Methodology
The findings presented here are based on a postpoll survey conducted by the CSDS, Delhi, in Uttar Pradesh. A total of 7,291 persons randomly selected from the latest electoral rolls were interviewed, from the second week of February 2012 till the first week of March (after polling but before counting of votes) in 399 locations in 101 constituencies spread across the state. The assembly constituencies and four polling booths within each sampled constituency were selected using the systematic random sampling technique. The respondents were sampled randomly (oversampling to allow for non-completion) from the updated electoral rolls of the selected polling booths. Of the 12,768 sampled respondents, 7,291 could be interviewed within the stipulated time.
The social profile of the respondents interviewed largely matched the demographic profile of the state, except for women (Table 5). The interviews were conducted by specially trained field investigators. The respondents were interviewed in the face-to-face interview situation using a structured interview schedule in Hindi. Respondents were mostly interviewed at their home, preferably alone. The voting question was asked using a dummy ballot paper and dummy ballot box.
Table 5: Sample Profile
Social Background | Census 2001 | Survey 2012 |
---|---|---|
Women | 47.3 | 40.4 |
Rural | 79.2 | 81.8 |
Muslim | 18.1 | 17.2 |
SC | 21.2 | 21.1 |
All figures are in %.
The fieldwork of the survey in Uttar Pradesh was coordinated by A K Verma (Christ Church College, Kanpur), Mirza Asmer Beig (Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh) and Sudhir Khare (DAV Postgraduate College, Azamgarh). The survey was designed and analysed by a team of researchers at Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi which included Banasmita Bora, Dhananjai Kumar Singh, Himanshu Bhattacharya, Jyoti Mishra, K A Q A Hilal, Kanchan Malhotra, Kinjal Sampat, Rupali Warke, Shreyas Sardesai, Sohini Mookherjee, Vibha Attri, and Yogendra Yadav. Sanjay Kumar of the CSDS directed the survey.
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April 7, 2012 vol xlviI no 14