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The Philippines: Killing Fields of Asia

The reign of state and state-sponsored repression and terror in the Philippines is similar in scope and depth to that in Columbia. But, unlike Columbia, this has not drawn sufficient attention from international public opinion.

THE PHILIPPINES

Killing Fields of Asia

The reign of state and state-sponsored repression and terror in the Philippines is similar in scope and depth to that in Columbia. But, unlike Columbia, this has not drawn sufficient attention from international public opinion.

JAMES PETRAS, ROBIN EASTMAN-ABAYA

S
ince president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo joined the US global “War on Terrorism”, the Philippines has become the site of an ongoing undeclared war against peasant and union activists, progressive political dissidents and lawmakers, human rights lawyers and activists, women leaders and a wide range of print and broadcast journalists. Because of the links between the army, the regime and the death squads, political assassinations take place in an atmosphere of absolute impunity. The vast majority of the attacks occur in the countryside and provincial towns. The reign of terror in the Philippines is of similar scope and depth as in Columbia. But unlike Columbia, the rampaging state terrorism has not drawn sufficient attention from international public opinion.

State Repression

Between 2001 and 2006 hundreds of killings, disappearances, death threats and cases of torture have been documented by the independent human rights centre, Karapatan, and the church-linked Ecumenical Institute for Labour Education and Research. Since Macapagal Arroyo came to power in 2001 there have been 400 documented extrajudicial killings. In 2004, 63 were killed and in 2005, 179 were assassinated and another 46 disappeared and presumed dead. So far in the first twoand-a-half months of 2006 there have been 26 documented political assassinations.

An analysis of the class and social background of the victims of this systematic state terror in 2005 demonstrates that the largest sector, about 70, have been peasants and peasant leaders involved in land and farm labour disputes. The military has invariably accused the murdered and disappeared peasants of links to or sympathy with the communist guerrillas or Muslim separatists. The victims include members of the national farmers’ association, Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), as well as Igorot, Agta and Moro indigenous minority peasant leaders involved in protecting their lands. One notorious massacre occurred in late November 2005 when 47 peasants and their legal representatives held an open, public meeting over a land dispute in Palo, Leyte in the Visayas. A large force of soldiers surrounded and attacked the meeting killing nine peasants outright and arresting over a dozen. An additional 18 “disappeared” and are presumed dead. The “Palo Massacre” of the members of the San Agustin Farmers Beneficiaries Cooperative and Alang-Alang Small Farmers Association was at first presented by the armed forces as a military encounter with the New Peoples Army and a few homemade weapons were planted on the victims. In this, as in all other cases, none of the perpetrators have been punished and there has been no official investigation.

Workers and labour leaders form the next largest group of victims of assassination (at least 18), not including the disappeared and presumed dead. Members of a national labour federation, Kilusan Mayo Uno (May First Movement), Nestle’s Workers’ Union, Central Azucareara de Tarlac, Negros Federation of Sugar Workers, a leader of the Department of Agrarian Reform Employee Association, regional college employee union leaders and various militants in both the electrical company and bus company employee unions were murdered in 2005.

Earlier in 2005, 26 unarmed Muslim detainees in a military prison in Manila were shot protesting against their prolonged and arbitrary detention, lack of a trial date and horrific prison conditions. These men were mostly vendors and displaced peasants and fishermen living with their families in Manila. They were accused, but never convicted, of membership in the Abu Sayaf kidnapping gang.

Seven print and radio journalists and writers were killed in 2005 as well as seven attorneys and judges involved in human rights, labour and land dispute cases.

Among the religious community, there were three targeted assassinations of clergy and seven church workers, all involved in advocacy work with the poor, peasants, workers and national minorities.

This listing of killings in 2005 doesn’t include attempted assassinations, illegal detention and torture and unreported disappearances. The victims were killed by death squads controlled by the military with the aim of protecting the power of the large landowners and land-grabbers, timber and mining barons and company bosses with the connivance of the regime.

Another important group of victims, which overlaps with peasants and workers associations, are the 83 leaders and members of the popular left political party, Bayan Muna (The People First) and its “party-list” affiliates. Most were systematically murdered in the provinces outside of Metro Manila between 2001 and 2005 (67 in 2005 alone). Leaders and coordinators of allied party-list groups, such as the women’s party Gabriela and the urban poor people’s party, Anakpawis (Toiling Masses), have been murdered, disappeared or wounded. Elected officials from Bayan Muna, such a Tarlac City councilman, Abelardo Ladera, were shot in broad daylight, prompting defiant provincial funeral marches. His killing followed the notorious 2004 massacre of hacienda union workers in Tarlac and the subsequent systematic elimination of witnesses.

A breakdown of the 66 death squad killings of members and supporters of the progressive political parties in 2005 include 33 from the militant urban poor people’s party, Anakpawis, and 30 from Bayan Muna. Five members of Anakpawis and three from Bayan Muna have “disappeared” and are presumed dead in 2005. So far three Bayan Muna officials have been assassinated in the first 10 weeks of 2006.

Since 2003, the Philippines became the second most dangerous country for journalists after Iraq because of the staggering number of reporters killed by death squads or who simply disappeared. Most recently a radio reporter involved in exposing abuses at a local mine was kidnapped by death squads working for the mine owners in late February 2006 and is presumed dead.

State sponsored terror today is reminiscent of the worst days of martial law, under the dictator Ferdinand Marcos (1972-86). As during the Marcos years, the entire countryside is virtually under military control, sharply limiting the role of civilian administrators. A manualpublished by the Macapagal regime, entitled

Economic and Political Weekly April 29, 2006 ‘Knowing the Enemy’ is used by the Armed Forces throughout the country to label legal mass organisations and civil rights groups, like the Philippine Association of Protestant Lawyers, as supporters of “terrorism”.

The military death squad campaign has all the earmarks of US-sponsored “low intensity” warfare against the civilian population. The military “proscribes” or labels individuals and groups as terrorists on the basis of what it claims to be “secret intelligence” in order to criminalise their right to resist oppression and fight for selfdetermination and justify their elimination. The creation of these “lists” is outside of the process of judicial scrutiny and limits any legal protection for the victims or their survivors. Using the black propaganda of a psychological warfare operation, the victims and their associations are invariably described as “terrorists”.

Background

A de facto civilian-military alliance has been ruling the Philippines, since with the declaration of martial law by Marcos in 1972. In the 1960s most economists considered the Philippines to be the most economically progressive nation in southeast Asia. With the advent of the liberalisation of the economy, it has become and remains one of the poorest and most socially polarised country in Asia, with a per capita GDP of US $ 950, about half of Thailand’s. With over 50 per cent of total private assets controlled by 15 extended super-rich families, it is one of the most unequal societies in the world. In stark contrast to the rest of Asia, there has been no economic progress in the past two decades. The Philippines, with a population of over 85 million, has one of the highest unemployment rates (20 per cent) and an additional 30 per cent underemployed in the informal sector. Over 40 per cent of the households are unable to secure adequate shelter and food; these are the indigent poor. The once highly regarded public educational and health systems have sharply deteriorated due to massive government cuts in social spending and privatisation. The nation, whose research institutions produced the high yield “miracle rice”, is now a net importer of rice and other food staples. Malnutrition is widespread, according to the World Health Organisation. Upwards of eight million Filipinos, unable to find decent work at home, are working abroad to support their families. “Better to die working in Iraq, than to stay home and watch your family starve” was the pitiful, but common slogan of Filipino workers clamouring for exit visas to perform menial work for the US occupation army in Iraq. As many as 4,000 Filipino workers are believed to be in Iraq.

In the years following the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship (February 26, 1986) by a military and church-backed revolt, the subsequent elected presidents have failed to stem the ongoing deterioration of the country. The new rulers like Corazon Aquino (1986-1992), and former general Fidel Ramos (1992-1998), simply favoured a new set of oligarchs and set the stage for the rise to power of a corrupt populist, Joseph Estrada. His “anti-oligarch” rhetoric brought him to the presidential palace in 1998 with widespread support among the poor. Estrada became an irritant to Washington and the traditional oligarchy by welcoming Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez in 1999 and for his populist social policies, such as handing out thousands of land titles to urban squatters.

US-designed, upper class-backed, street demonstrations supported by sectors of the military elite culminated in the ouster of Estrada in January 2001. The same forces hoisted his vice-president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to the presidency. Macapagal is a US educated, neo-liberal economist and favourite of the US embassy. This political putsch led to the expansion of US military basing rights and a new military agreement, quickly signed by Macapagal after a two-year delay during Estrada’s presidency. With the rise of Macapagal Arroyo, Washington has a reliable client.

The newly “installed” Macapagal Arroyo quickly instituted a neo-liberal programme of privatisations, drastic cuts for public education and public hospitals and onerous value-added taxes, which impacted the poor and lower middle class. By 2005, the Philippine total external and internal debt ballooned to over $ 100 billion and yearly debt servicing exceed 30 per cent of the budget. Even 8 million overseas Filipino workers (including a significant section of the educated professionals) sending home $ 12.5 billion dollars of remittances in 2005 could not begin to cover debt servicing. The Philippines bears the dubious distinction of being the only country in Asia to have seen a drop in per capita GDP during and since the heady years of the “Asian Tiger” boom.

Macapagal Arroyo’s family and cronies have been implicated in the same levels of corruption as that attributed to the deposed president Estrada. Mike Arroyo, the president’s husband, remains in self-imposed exile in the US to avoid facing charges of graft and fraud. Macapagal Arroyo maintains her support among the military by offering lucrative concessions to favourite generals and key officials in the military leading to deep discontent among the junior ranks of the armed forces forced to survive on low wages. As a result, several mutinies of junior officers and soldiers occurred, the largest of which was the takeover of an upscale Manila shopping and apartment complex in July 2003 by 300 soldiers from the special forces and the more recent uprising of Marines in January of this year.

Military intelligence has been implicated in a campaign of bombings both in Manila and on the southern island of Mindanao, targeting markets, buses, commuter trains, airports and mosques. The Macapagal regime blamed a Muslim kidnapping gang, Abu Sayaf, and used the bombings as a justification for greater militarisation of the country. The curious timing of the bombings, for example, the December 2004 bombing of a Manila shopping centre, which killed 15, happened very soon after a devastating landslide burying almost 1,000 townspeople in a province near Manila, exposed the regime’s incompetence in civil assistance.

Local journalists with sources in the military believe the campaign of bombings has been carried out by the regime itself to justify requests for more military “aid” from the US.

The US Connection

In December 2002 the US announced a significant expansion of its joint US-Philippine military training exercises. The first contingent of US troops landing on the southern island of Mindanao engaged in field operations against the Muslim separatists. In early 2003, then assistant US secretary of defence, Paul Wolfowitz called the Philippines the “Second Front in the War on Terror”. Since then tens of thousands of Muslim villagers have been forcibly displaced and hundreds have been tortured, killed or disappeared. As a result, Muslim guerrilla activity has increased.

In October 2003, during a visit to the Philippines, Bush cited the country as a model for the re-building of Iraq. Forgetting to mention the US invasion of the Philippines in 1898 and 13-year pacification campaign when upwards of one million Filipinos died, Bush described the Philippines as a “model of democracy” – a bona fide death squad democracy.

The Bush administration’s support for the Macapagal Arroyo regime has been

Economic and Political Weekly April 29, 2006

reciprocated: A contingent of Philippine troops was sent to Iraq over the protests of hundreds of thousands of Filipinos. These troops were only withdrawn when Iraqi resistance fighters threatened to execute captured Filipino labourers in Iraq: the Philippine economy is more dependent on remittances from its workers in west Asia than on US aid. The lucrative reconstruction contracts, which the Philippine elite had expected to be awarded for its services to the Bush administration in Iraq, never materialised. During 2006, another contingent of 5,500 US soldiers are scheduled to arrive in Mindanao and the number of joint exercises has doubled.

US troops are not confined to the separatist stronghold in the far south of the country. More and more “joint operations” occur in the central islands and Luzon where the communist New Peoples Army (NPA) has been conducting a campaign against the government for 40 years over issues of land reform and oligarchicimperialist control of the economy. With an estimated 10,000 fighters, the NPA is clearly viewed as a threat to US and local ruling class interests.

Urban Popular Protests

In 2004, Macapagal Arroyo narrowly defeated her rival in the presidential elections in a campaign marred by violence and fraud. An audiotape released in the spring of 2005 recorded the president discussing with a top election official the rigging of the election. Amid resignations of members of her cabinet and calls for her resignation from the general public, she narrowly escaped a vote of impeachment in November 2005.

Macapagal Arroyo’s disastrous neoliberal economic policies, the growing social and economic deterioration of the country, frantic attempts by the professionals to escape through immigration, moves by restive middle level officers and demonstrations by popular mass social movements put the Philippines back in the international news. In early February 2006, an even more devastating landslide brought on by rains and deforestation, buried almost 2,000 townspeople on the island of Leyte. The inability of the regime to provide even the most basic aid to the victims angered the entire nation.

On February 23, 2006, the eve of the 20th anniversary of the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship, Macapagal Arroyo declared a state of emergency banning all rallies, demonstrations and closing opposition media. She issued orders for the arrest of 59 individuals, including members of the Congress, military officers and social critics, on charges of rebellion against her regime. Rallies were planned to commemorate the end of the Marcos dictatorship and to protest the electoral fraud, corruption, economic mismanagement and human rights violations of the Macapagal Arroyo regime. Some rallies defied the president’s decree, went ahead and were violently repressed.

Those charged with rebellion included six Congress people from leftwing political parties, a human rights attorney, retired and active military officers and social activists. Most of the charges have no substance and are totally arbitrary. For example, Anakpawis (Toiling Masses) congressman Crispin Beltran, age 73, veteran labour leader and anti-Marcos activist, was arrested shortly after the emergency rule declaration, at first on the basis of a 25-year-old charge made during the Marcos dictatorship. When these charges were shown to have been dropped decades earlier, he was charged with rebellion.

This is the latest of a series of attacks on the part of the Macapagal Arroyo regime aimed specifically at destroying class-based political parties and trade union activity, including Bayan Muna and its coalition partners. The campaign of assassination and disappearances of 80 members of this party alliance between 2001 and 2005, including mayors and provincial elected representatives has finally reached the top elected representatives in the Philippine Congress. In 2006, repression turned from the countryside to the capital, from peasant leaders to Manila-based Congress people, media, working class and left party leaders. Of the 26 political assassinations in the first 10 weeks of 2006, three have been Bayan Muna officials. The arbitrary arrest of congressional representatives sends a signal to the legal left that the regime will not tolerate dissent or challenges to its policies even from within Congress.

According to the Karapatan, the independent human rights organisation involved in documenting and providing legal support to victims of human rights abuses, the disappearances and assassinations are committed by death squads in some of the most heavily militarised areas in the Philippines. The death squads would not be able to act with impunity without the complicity of the military. Witnesses to the killings have themselves disappeared and the Philippine judicial system has failed to prosecute the intellectual authors or perpetrators. Nor has the military made any effort to investigate and arrest identified death squad leaders. Human rights groups provide evidence that death squads operate under the protective umbrella of regional military commands, especially the UStrained Special Forces. Macapagal’s promotion of the notorious colonel Jovito Palparan, (‘Butcher of Mindoro’) to general, despite extensive documentation and testimony of gross human rights abuses points to the president’s support for military-backed state terrorism. When Palparan was assigned to Central Luzon in September 2005, the number of political assassinations in that region alone jumped to 52 in four months. Prior to his promotion, the regions with the largest number of summary executions like Eastern Visayas and Central Luzon were under then colonel Palparan.

State of the Resistance

In the face of the disintegration of the economy and society, and the regime’s use of force to sustain its hold on power, faced with its gross incompetence in the face of several natural/ecological disasters, popular resistance has spread from the countryside to the cities. The popular mass organisations, involving peasant and indigenous minority farmers, industrial workers, teachers, journalists, civil servants, students, women, artists, human rights workers, lawyers and clergy have grown despite the campaign of state terror. On the 20th anniversary of the 1986 overthrow of Marcos, tens of thousands defied the state of emergency and marched in Manila and in cities throughout the country. Over 10,000 women defied police bans to march on international women’s day. Students and teachers are mounting campaigns on the campuses around the country. Former presidents, business executives and clergy are calling for Macapagal Arroyo’s resignation and a “smooth transition” within the elite, while the popular mass movements and their besieged political representatives are demanding justice for the victims of state terror, an end to US military presence, a repeal of the value added taxes, an increase in the minimum wage, land reform, a moratorium of debt payments, renationalisation of key economic sectors and consequential peace negotiations between the state and the NPA and Muslim separatists. That Macapagal Arroyo will eventually be forced to resign is, according to officials, a likely outcome. The question is when and by whom?

EPW

Email: jpetras@binghamton.edu

Economic and Political Weekly April 29, 2006

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