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Greying of Milton Friedman

Greying of Milton Friedman Mahesh Bhatt IN his review of Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman book "Free to Choose" (October 30, 1982) Kaushik Basu, while criticising the authors of using 'shoddy' arguments, has himself resorted to shoddy arguments in his attempt to demolish some parts of the excellent analysis and policy recommendations emerging from this powerful and persuasive book. Looking to the development performance of many centrally planned economies, one is surprised as to how one could maintain that Friedman's views as expressed in this book are those of "a person pushed against the wall by an increasing pile of evidence which does not support his theories". If anything, the development performance of most countries that have resorted to the centrally planned systems (including our own country) provides increasing evidence in support of Friedman's theories.

On Agricultural Prices

December 25, 1982 would overwhelm the budgets of Bangladesh or Nepal). INTERNATIONAL CAPITAL VS INDIA'S RICH PEASANTS? At its barest and simplest, the current dispute between India and Bangladesh over the sharing and augmentation of the River Ganga is no longer simply about the Ganga but is a battle between international capital and India's rich peasantry for river development in pursuit of their respective interests. To reduce the dispute to these ultimate determinants is to ignore or at least underestimate the strength and coherence of the rival nationalisms in the conflict. Bangladesh may be reeling from the incompetence of successive military masters but it cannot simply be relegated to the role of a proxy for the interests of American, Japanese and British construction, consulting and merchant capital. Nor, clearly, is the Indian interest in the Brahmaputra simply a reflection of the needs of rich peasants. There are other classes, other interests, strong nationalisms, geographical constraints, other uses than irrigation for water, but it does seem to me that we are watching the beginning of the battle for the Brahmaputra and, thus far, India's rich peasants have scored against international capital.

Agricultural Prices and the Left

Agricultural Prices and the Left Indradeep Sinha THE disregard for facts and prejudice against the left, particularly against the Communist Party of India (CPI) and personally against me that is evident in your correspondent's dispatch ('Remunerative Prices and the Left' by B M, EPW, October 23, 1982) has compelled me to send this contradiction.

Measurement of Undernutrition

Measurement of Undernutrition P V Sukhatme OANDEKAR's recent paper [1] based on the Gopalan Oration delivered at the 14th Annual Conference of the Nutrition Society of India at Pune, will certainly restimulate keen interest among economists and planners. In this note, I will deal mainly with the major points raised by Dandekar; but in doing so, I will also ensure that I reply to the points raised by Krish- naji [2], which remained unanswered in my preoccupation with replying to Dandekar's Kale Memorial lecture [3, 4], Comparison of Calorie Inadequacy on Household and Individual Basis The first major point raised by Dandekar [1] concerns the comparison of estimates of calorie inadequacy of household and individual, based on National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau data. This comparison is presented in Table 2 of his paper [1]. The comparison shows that the two estimates of the incidence of undernutrition are around 40 per cent. If anything, the estimate based on the individual as the unit of observation is higher than the estimate based on the household as unit. He concludes that agreement between the two fully confirms the Dandekar and Rath estimate of rural poverty.

Stabilising Primary Commodity Markets

November 27, 1982 making would make greater impact of the assistance programmes. Notes [This paper is based on the studies on Efficacy of Incentives for Small Industry. These studies are based on the field investigations of small industrial units located in Bombay, Bangalore, Hyderabad and Jaipur. They were funded by the Industrial Development Bank of India, Bombay (IDBI), and carried out as a research project at the Department of Economics, University of Bombay. In all, we submitted five reports to the IDBI, one on each city. The fifth report comprised the salient findings of the three city reports, and the explanations and the implications of these findings. In view of the very poor response from Bangalore units, the results of that city were not included in this report. The fifth report is being published by the IDBI.

The Island of Dr Marx

The Island of Dr Marx Ashok K Upadhyaya SUMANTA BANERJEE's article (January 23) is a welcome indictment of the 'theory' and 'practice' of orthodox marxism and the 'socialist' countries embodying them. Too long has the task been monopolised by 'western' Marxism; that a vocie from the Third World, and specifically India has opened the political cupboard, is only to be appreciated, all the more so since the 'revolutions' have occurred principally in backward countries. We fully concur in the need "to challenge the accepted shibboleths of the Communist movement and seek alternative strategies and tactics to achieve the goal of a classless society. . ." but Banerjee falls to challenge the shibboleths because of his fundamentally ambivalent perspective of the history of revolutions.

Collectivisation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 1960-66

Collectivisation in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, 1960-66 Andrew Vickerman THE recent article by Alec Gordon1 on the socialist transformation of the rural sector in the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) represents a stimulating contribution to an important debate. An understanding of the evolution and development of agrarian policy in the DRV is important for the study of Vietnam today, as well as being more generally relevant to problems and dilemmas inherent in the 'transition to socialism' in backward agrarian economies. However, Gordon's article contains not only a number of factual errors and errors of omission, but also pursues a line of reasoning which appears to misinterpret a number of developments and is in danger of leading discussion in directions which art' likely to prove less than fruitful.2 Gordon deals essentially with two issues, of which the first is the collec- tivisation of agriculture in the DRV, especially the development of high- level collectives in which the means of production are collectively owned (as opposed to their being privately own- 'td and collectively utilised as in low- level collectives). He contends that this process was delayed in the period 1960-63 due to the political ascendancy of a 'rightist' group within the Vietnam Workers' Party (VWP) leadership. The second issue discussed is whether or not a rich middle peasantry developed in the DRV capable of exerting considerable local (and perhaps national) power and which was never actually confronted to the extent that it was destroyed.3 The latter issue is far too complex, to deal with in detail in a short space and the paucity of the available information and data make discussion of its susceptible to supposition and conjecture rather than scienific analysis. How- ever, the two issues are related in Gordon's analysis by his contention, which also appears in his earlier pieces on the DRV,4 that a major dispute over the pace of collectivisation occurred between two groups within the VWP leadership. These were: 'Rightist

Stabilising Primary Commodity Markets

Stabilising Primary Commodity Markets B S Chimni IN 'Case for International Stockpile of Primary Commodities

The Sandur Manganese and Iron Ores Limited-Speech by Chairman, Shri Y R Ghorpade

Limited Speech by Chairman, Shri Y R Ghorpade THE following is the Speech by Shri Y. R. Ghorpade, Chairman, The Sandur Manganese & Iron Ores Limited at the Twenty-Eighth Annual Genera] Meeting held on 4th September, 1982.

Operation Barga A Further Note

Operation Barga : A Further Note Ratan Khasnabis IN an earlier comment [6] on the tenancy reform measures of the Left Front government, we had pointed out that the 'Operation Barga' (OB) as modified following the High Court judgment on the issue, has hardly anything new to contribute to the accentuation of class struggle in the countryside. The modified OB is nothing but a simple Revenue Court measure which had already been there as an element in the land reforms administration of the state. This view has been vehemently criticised by the supporters of the Left Front government. OB, they claim, "has taken the shape of class struggle and a great peasant movement in the rural areas of the state", so much so that it is serving now as "harbingers of fundamental change" 12; p 20531Such social democratic tendency of making much of certain pro-bargadar legislative measures can be best understood by examining the limitations of a state sponsored measure like the OB as an instrument for the development of class-struggle in the countryside. Pre- cisely with that end in view, in the first part of the present note, we consider the implementational aspects of the tenancy reform measures and examine their socio-political implications.

1981 Census Economic

1981 Census Economic K S Natarajan THE release of the 1981 Census provisional totals on workers and non- workers has kindled the interest of many research workers. A question which naturally arises among all the users of the census data is whether the data are comparable with the previous census data. The anxiety of J N Sinha ("1981 Census Economic Data

Nutritional Norms and Measurement of Malnourishment and Poverty

Nutritional Norms and Measurement of Malnourishment and Poverty Jaya Mehta Background THERE has been much controversy recently regarding Sukhatme's theory of nutritional norms and its implications for the measurement of poverty and malnourishment.1 Sukhatme et at Sukhatme and Margin 1978, Seckler


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