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Case for Injectible Contraceptive

Case for Injectible Contraceptive Iris Kapil THE article "Retreat on Depo-Provera?" by Padma Prakash (1984a) raises an issue of great importance, one that deserves public examination and discussion. I am writing to give fuller information and a different perspective than was presented in the article and also to explain why I think your readers should become better informed about Depo-Provera.

Justification for Imperialist-Financed Activities

Justification for Imperialist-Financed Activities Prakash Karat HARSH SETHI in his injured response to the article on 'Action Groups/Voluntary Organisation' in the The Marxist, fails to counter the central issue posed by us. The article had highlighted the CPI(M) understanding of the strategic design of imperialism in sponsoring and encouraging many such groups. It documented the crore of rupees flowing in from official, semi-official and private agencies in the West to finance thousands of organisations in India. The Government of India permits this How virtually unrestricted to these private bodies. Such funds are used by many organisations for political purposes with the full knowledge and encouragement of the sponsoring agencies; to put forward a political platform, organise different sections of the people for political intervention. The source of the foreign funding may be church or secular. For Harsh Sethi there is nothing wrong per se in utilising such funds if it is used for worthwhile purposes. According to him, "The source may be national or foreign, funds are required and since the source of all surplus is the labour of the working people, surely there is little wrong in laying claim to that surplus. So in a sense, the argument is not funding per se, but the terms of the funding," One can only be amazed at the naivete and flippancy of such an argument which has dangerous implications. Since all surplus is created by the people, there is no harm in receiving money from a CIA front or from the monopolists. As long as one is subjectively satisfied that it is being put to good use, in a manner which may be even for political activity. Sethi obviously finds nothing wrong in using such money for political work. We wonder whether the more serious of the radical action groups would also put out such a defence. As for the CPI(M), we wish to emphatically refute the implication in Harsh Sethi's argument that, "Even in the best organised and long standing trade unions or Kisan Sabhas

Economic Growth in India

Economic Growth in India Ashok Rudra IT is a pity that K N Raj's "Some Observations on Economic Growth in India over the Period 1952-53 to 1982-83" {EPW, October 13, 1984), which contains several extremely serious and probing thoughts on the much discussed question of the alleged slowing down of industrial growth in India and the reasons thereof should suffer from the fact of starting off with some highly dubious statistical calculations. The second part of his note starts with the claim that he can explain the apparent increase in incremental capital-output ratios without introducing, " .. any such subjective judgments and statistical adjustments ., ", and he does manage to put forward quite a few plausible explanations. As such, by his own admission he could have dispensed with the statistical manipulations which would unnecessarily give rise to negative reactions among discerning readers.

Role of Literacy and Industrial Structure in Displacement of Female Workers

Role of Literacy and Industrial Structure in Displacement of Female Workers Ravindra H Dholakia IN a recent paper, Ghosh and Mukhopadhyay (EPW, November 24, 1984) analyse changes in Female Work Participation Rate (FWPR) during the period 1961 to 1981 and observe that "the main element responsible for worsening of the employment situation for the female was the sex substitution in the work-force as a whole" On the basis of this finding, they appear to conclude that development policies and choice of technologies in India have been such that imbalances have resulted between the two sexes in their statuses, opportunities and potentials for contribution to the development of the country. Although their analysis is interesting, it is not carried out in enough detail to warrant such a conclusion. This is firstly because, their Displacement Effect encompasses both the effects of technology and industrial structure. Secondly, their calculations of different contributions is based on only partial contribution approach and hence cannot be considered unique (See Denison, 1957 and Brown, 1973). Thirdly, they have totally ignored the aspect of literacy which is very important in the context of FWPR. Finally, although they show awareness of the problems of inter- censal comparability of data on workforce, particularly between 1961 and 1971, they have ignored it for all practical purposes.

Garibi Hatao Can IRDP Do It

 Notes [The views expressed in the article are entirely those of the author. Acknowledgement is due to B N Goldar and N S Siddharthan for supervision of the research and comments on an earlier draft. They, however, do not share the errors and may not own the views.] 1 "Report of the National Commission on Labour", Government of India, Ministry of Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation,

Garibi Hatao Strategy Options

'Garibi Hatao': Strategy Options M L Dantwala KNOWLEDGE of the dismal performance of practically all 'special' employment and income augmenting schemes for the weaker sections of the rural population is fairly common, Even so, Nilakan- tha Rath deserves our compliments for meticulously assembling the more recent evidence and forcefully highlighting the infirmities of these programmes [Rath. 1985]. Personally for me the exercise is particularly gratifying as, on several occasions, I have voiced concern about the manner in which these programmes are formulated and implemented.

Caste, Class and Reservations-(In Memoriam I P Desai)

Caste, Class and Reservations (In Memoriam: I P Desai) Upendra Baxi I P DESAI (IP) passed away on January 26, 1985. His contribution on this theme (EPW, July 14, 1984) was thus to be a last one. But it had all the qualities of IP's exemplary scholarship: clarity of thought, meticulous grasp of detail, obstinate insight, a vision of India and unusual generosity to colleagues with whose views he disagreed. It is characteristic of IP that he should have invited, not just anticipated, Ghanshyam Shah's (GS) response, which appeared close to his demise (EPW, January 17, 1985).

The Immoral Other-Debate between Party and Non-Party Groups

The Immoral 'Other' Debate between Party and Non-Party Groups Harsh Sethi THE recent years have seen a considerable warming up of the debate between party and non-party activists and groups.1 The reasons for this are not too difficult to discover. Increasingly as we move into a situation where earlier, time-tested, theories, ideologies, premises and guidelines for political action get confused and blurred, when one dominant feeling is that of deep insecurity and ineffectualness, a common tendency is for the *so far held views' to harden. Debate then is transformed into a tirade against the other, perceived as a competitor if not an antagonist. This process of retreating into one's own fortress, preferably with high walls, it is hoped would serve the twin purposes of effectively rebutting the others and calling to the faithful to renew their pledges of allegiance.

Industrial Sub-System of Bangalore

February 2, 1985 Saberwal, Satish: "Mobile Men: Limits to Social Change in Urban Punjab", New Delhi: Vikas.

Caste, Class and Reservation

Caste, Class and Reservation Ghanshyam Shah WHILE rejecting the recommendations of the Mandal Commission for caste based reservation I P Desai (IP) coherently argues his case in favour of class based reservations (EPW, July 14, 1984). His argument is based on two counts. One, he believes that if the state accepts caste as the basis for backwardness, it legitimises the caste system which contradicts secular principles. Two, he observes that the traditional caste system has broken down and contractual relationships between individuals have emerged. 1 share not only his idealism but also believe that all those who believe in secular society should make efforts to strengthen the processes of class formation. I find fault with his observations and analysis. He does not pay enough attention to the prevailing identity of 'we-ness' among the members of the same caste as well as the nature of the political structure and processes. He also fails to relate his observations in the historical context to the social groups which tilt the balance against the secular forces. However, I have agreement with IP's approach and some of his observations on the changing social reality I fully agree with him when he says that there is nothing inherent in the caste system that will resist all forces of change and will perpetually determine social, economic and political action of the Hindus. No doubt, the traditional caste structure supposedly based on ideology of purity and pollution has little relevance to the present day India.1 I use the term 'caste' in this note as a social group and not as a part of the hierarchical order. The terms 'high caste' or 'low caste' are used here in the sense of purity and pollution, but partly in their historical context and partly in connection with the present overall economic and educational condition of the members of the group. The high or upper castes are those which enjoyed dominance over economic resources in the recent past before independence, and today the majority of its members are relatively well-off, enjoy dominance (not necessarily political offices) and are better educated than the members of the other social groups. The condition of the low castes is the opposite of this.

Government Media and Punjab

January 12, 1985 however, will need some basic changes in policies and programmes as well as greater political commitment to population issues, both at the national and state levels.

Tribal Unrest in Tripura-An Alternative View

Tribal Unrest in Tripura An Alternative View Malabika Das Gupta MANAS DAS GUPTA, in his note on tribal unrest in Tripura (EPW, March 17, 1984), gives the genesis of the communal violence which erupted between the tribals and non-tribals in the state in June 1980 and analyses the character of the unrest among the tribals in the state.


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