ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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Woman in Panchayat-Experiences of a Training Camp

and financial institutions.
While the Ninth Plan perceptions clearly emphasise the imperative need for providing adequate credit support to priority sectors, it is the credit policy which is at fault. RBI was perhaps carried away by the first flush of enthusiasm to implement the banking sector reforms on the lines of Basle norms and in the process neglected priority sectors. The phase 1991-96 could in fact be regarded as an unhappy episode in the history of monetary and credit policies: not only was the quantum of credit flowing to these sectors inadequate but also the interest rate regime became unfriendly. Fortunately winds of change are blowing in the RBI as the more recent appointment of two committees to look into the problems of credit flow to these sectors clearly demonstrates. Perhaps this is the beginning of the process of realignment of credit policy with the perceptions of the Ninth Plan, This neglect of priority sectors at the macro- level was exacerbated at the micro-level by the emergence of the new backing culture, with its emphasis on a 'quick kill'. The new culture also signalled the abdication of commitment to development. No doubt public sector banks have reattained the priority sector credit target in 1996-99 but it is the mindset of bankers which is yet to change. Public sector banks have such an excellent track record in penetratingthe rural sector and in reaching out to the mass of small borrowers; it should not be difficult for them to rediscover their sense of commitment to development.

Million Wells Scheme Loss of Gains

Mahi Pal Since the Million Welts Scheme has no role for its beneficiaries or for gram panchayats, whatever capital assets were generated under the scheme are turning out to be brittle.

MPs Local Area Development Scheme-Dangerous Portent

of the Tamil society which include the need to unite the Adi Dravidas and oppressed sections of the backward castes on the basis of their shared experience of economic and socio-cultural exploitation, the heed to counter the resurgence of Brahmin ism in the guise of Hindu right wing political outfits such as the BJP, the RSS and the Hindu Munnani, and the need to safeguard the cultural and linguistic rights of the Tamil people from the homogenising onslaught of the centre. The non-Brahmin elites in question are the ones who, at the local level systematically fatten themselves by pillaging the Adi Dravidas and the poorer sections of the backward castes, both economically and socio-culturally. To expect them to carry forward the agenda of Adi Dravida- lower Sudra unity is to expect the impossible. Similarly, these are precisely the sections, which, given their economic ascendency, are searching for cultural supremacy by backing the forces of Hindutva in the state. The elite sections of the Nadars, Kallars, Goundcrs and others are actively participating in the present phase of Brahminica) revival which has now adopted a more inclusive strategy in terms of caste. What is more, they, with their recently acquired economic and socio-cultural strengths, are finding it possible to express a pan-Indian desire, which is partly reflected in their drift towards the Hindu right. Such pan-Indian desire is already acting as an important constraint for taking up issues such as the imposition of Hindi by the union government.


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