Articles by M Shatrugna

1970, he and his fellow progressives re thrown a challenge by students Visakhapatnam, close to the Sri- tulam tribal revolt, to decide whom ey were with, the revolution or ction. Sri Sri and a handful of others se the revolution, and thus was on the Revolutionary Writers Asso- tion (Virasam), of which Sri Sri was mder-President and a member till death. Always ready to adapt him- to the needs of history, he took cue from younger comrades bnd ampted to simplify his poetic diction I imagery. Though, being in the world at Madras, far away from arena of peasant struggle, he could fully consummate the mutation. In of his best pieces after 1970, at time when Nagabhushan Patnaik sentenced to death, he wrote:

senior journalists in the procession and yet they ordered the lathi-charge. The conclusion is unmistakable that there was a pre-planned design to break the heads of journalists.'' Several other incidents were reported during the year. They included the July demonstration by Congress(I) men outside the office of Lokmot, a Marathi daily published from Nagpur, in a fashion very similar , to the demonstrations and gherao by Youth Congress workers against four newspaper offices in Bangalore two years ago. On September 28, suspected Congress(I) workers ransacked the printing press of Amruth, a Kannada weekly in Mangalore. In Bhopal, Cong- ress(I) leader Ladlusharan Singh threatened to "settle scores in streets" with Swadeshi, a BhopaJ Hindi daily, during a demonstration on September 26.

ANDHRA PRADESH Left in the Cold M Shatrugna IN the recent Assembly elections Telugu Desam routed not only the ruling Congress but also the Communist parties in the state. Both the CPI and CPI(M) who initially wanted to have an electoral alliance with Telugu Desam could not do so as NTR refused their demand of 90 seats. While the non- communist Opposition ended with 5 seats, the voting pattern for the CPI and CPI{M) shows that their popii- larity has eroded considerably in terms of both seats lost and votes polled. This is in spite of the fact that there was an electoral alliance between these two parties.

December 18, 1982 ANDHRA PRADESH Serious Challenge to Congress (I) M Shatrugna ELECTIONS to the Andhra Assembly have always been a tame affair with the ruling Congress bagging almost a two-thirds majority every time. Even in the .1978 elections the Congress (1) got 175 seats. With defectors from the Opposition it has now 265. But the present election appears to be a different one with the emergence of Te- lugu Desam. For the first time since 1953 when Potti Sriramulu laid down his life for a separate Andhra state from the former Madras Presidency, the Telugu nation question' has been brought into the open by N T Rama Rao. NTR, a novice to politics, by raising the slogan of 'Andhra Self- Respect' for the first time has posed a challenge to Congress (I) in the state in a manner in which" no other leader has succeeded in the past. The manner in which the state leaders are treated as clapper-boys by the Congress (I) High Command is fully exposed by NTR in his election speeches. His Telugu Desam campaign appears to be modelled on the 'Sell-Respect' movement launched by E V Rama- swamy Naicker in Tamil Nadu in the 1920s. More powers to the stater,, autonomy on state issues, guarantee of press freedom, job-oriented education, full protection of civil and democratic rights and protection of the rights of the minorities are some of the issues which NTR is posing to the electorate. His remarks against the former three Chief Ministers, nominated and removed at the whim and fancy of the High Command, have roused derisive laughter and tapped popular sentiment, The formation of the party has sent a cold wave through the established parties, especially the Congress (1). N Bhaskar Rao, a serious contender for the Chief Minister's office at the time of B Venkataram's selection, was the firs! to desert the party and join Telugu Desam. NTR admitted him into his party only after he resigned from the Assembly. In fact, resignation from the Assembly has been one of the conditions laid down by NTR for those who wish to join Telugu Desam. Rao was followed by the mercurial N Sriniva- sula Reddi of Nellore district. It was Reddi who had fired the first shot that brought down the Chenna Reddy Ministry two years ago. Announcement of elections has increased the infighting in the Congress (1). It became open when 90 sitting MLAs were denied tickets and in 30 constituencies 'rebel' Congressmen filed their nominations. The list included .wo former Ministers. C V Sudhakara Rao and B Seshasayana Reddy, In several areas 'rebel' Congressmen were 'adopted' as ollicial nominees. Lists were changed many times after , the last date of nomination depending upon the 'connections' the candidate had with the High Command. The uncertainly had reached such comic proportions that even the PCC(I) chief C, Yenkalaswaim filed his nomination in Gajwel(SC) and later withdrew when the High Command assured him a berth in the coming ministry. Those denied tickets were vociferous in their indignation. The lumpen nature of the Congress (I) ranks was clear when C Ramaduss, a sitting MLA from the Sanathnagar constituency who was denied a ticket this time, attacked and ransacked the official residence of the Minister-cum- PCCO) Chief with a 500-strong mob of supporters. Significantly. he was later 'adopted' as official candidate in lieu of Shankar Rao, son-in-law of the PCC(I) chief, the PCC(I) in the state is so uncertain about its electoral prospects that it has summoned Indira Gandhi to lour the state for eight days, Rajiv Gandhi and a galaxy of Union Ministers and Chief Ministers of Congress(l)-ruled states will campaign in the state. To meet the 'film hero' on his own ground. Sivaji Ganesaiu Ainitahh Baelmn and Dtlip Kumar will campaign for the Congress (1).

Pedagogues and Social Scientists Krishna Kumar EDUCATIONAL study in India suffers from a serious division of interests and abilities between educationists and social scientists. In the category of 'educationists' we can place researchers and teachers associated with teacher training institutions and bureaucrats working in provincial departments of education or at Central government agencies involved in educational policy, Members of this vast category are regarded as the legitimate specialists of education, cither on account of their training and experience or on the basis of the positions they hold, What is the level of interaction between them and specialists from the different social sciences who concern themselves with education? One indicator of interaction can be the extent to which one kind of specialists refer to the work and findings of the other. Such mutual references simply do not exist. The 'educationalists' do not appear to think that social research con have anything useful to offer to education, and the 'social scientists' do not seem to think that the problems of content and processes that pedagogues are concerned with have any value for the study of education in the wider context of social interactions. Further- more, the 'educationists' are seldom aware of the data to which social scientists have access. And, in turn, 'social scientists'