ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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Anthropology and Imperialism Revisited

'Anthropology and Imperialism' Revisited Kathleen Gough An article by the author in this journal in the late sixties noted that western anthropologists had neglected the study of imperialism as a world system. The author suggests below that this has been remedied, as various social and political movements catalysed a corpus of social science literature and debate. This article examines demographic and economic indicators to highlight the changing character of developed and less developed capitalist and socialist countries and its significance for social scientists, IN 1967 I wrote a paper, 'New Proposals for Anthropologists', for the Southwestern States Anthropological Association meeting in San Francisco. I couldn't think of a journal in the United States that might be likely to publish it, and it was published in Economic and Political Weekly. Monthly Review republished it in 1968 as 'Anthropology and Imperialism', after which it was translated into several languages and reprinted many times.

Modes of Production in Southern India

Kathleen Gough This paper explores some sailent changes in the political economy of Thanjavur district, from about 850 A D to the present, with the aid of Marx's formulations of modes of production and of related concepts by other writers. In passing, and by way of contrast, it also considers the corresponding developments in the growth of production relations in Kerala between the ninth and the middle of the eighteenth centuries.

Colonial Economics in Southeast India

Colonial Economics in Southeast India Kathleen Gough India's poverty is largely attributable to colonial policies associated with the rise of British capitalism. The country continues to be poor since Independence mainly because it is still exploited within a system of world-wide imperialist relations.

Indian Peasant Uprisings

Kathleen Gough Indian peasants have a long tradition of armed uprisings, reaching back at least to the initial British conquest and the last decades of Moghul government. For more than 200 years peasants in all the major regions have risen repeatedly against landlords, revenue agents and other bureaucrats, moneylenders, police and military forces. During this period there have been at least 77 revolts, the smallest of which probably engaged several thousand peasants in active support or in combat. About 30 of these revolts must have affected tens of thousands of peasants, and about 12, several hundreds of thousands. The uprisings were responses to deprivation of unusually severe character, always economic, and often also involving physical brutality or ethnic persecution.

New Proposals for Anthropologists- A Reply

Gould's "New Proposals for Anthropologists: A Comment" (April 27, 1968, pp 682-685) with an increasing sense of bafflement as to its relationship with what I wrote in "New Proposals for Anthropologists" (September 9, 1967). 1 said that anthropologists had failed to grapple with the effects of western imperialism; I suggested the dimensions of the problem by classifying the underdeveloped world into (a) communist states, (b) colonial areas, (c) satellite or client states of the west, and (d) relatively independent nations of the "Third World". I pointed out the scope of revolutionary activity within the last three categories; and 1 suggested that anthropologists might study a variety of topics that they have, for the most part, failed to study. These included the following areas of research: (a) food production in non- communist Asia, Africa and Latin America on the one hand, and in China and Cuba on the other; (b) pattern and results of socialist and capitalist foreign aid programmes; (c) "comparative studies of types of modern inter-societal political and economic dominance" so as "to be able to define and refine such concepts as imperialism, neocolonialism, etc" and (d) "comparative studies of revolutionary and proto-revolutionary movements".

New Proposals for Anthropologists

Kathleen Gough From the beginning anthropologists have inhabited a triple environment involving, first, loyalties to the people they studied; second, to their colleagues and their science; and, third, to the powers who employed them in the universities and who funded their research.
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