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This Anti-Mandal Mania

This Anti-Mandal Mania THERE is perhaps no issue on which we are such hypocrites as caste; Nor any other which brings out all that is worst in us with such shameful ease. The moment V P Singh announces the decision to implement the Mandal Commission's recommendation of reservations for the backward castes, an avalanche of obscenity hits the country. It carries before it the Press, the universities, and opinion- makers of all kinds.

ANDHRA PRADESH-The End of Spring

There has always been a certain sanctioned and legitimate way of perceiving the naxalite movement and the state's response to it. These attitudes are not a mere reflection of the interests of the ruling classes but are born of the need to legitimise those interests and their protection in the eyes of such public opinion as matters, in particular in the light of the counter-legitimacy gained by the movement with that public opinion.

Drought and TADA in Adilabad

Drought and TADA in Adilabad K Balagopal If one is not constrained by the usual subaltern scholars

What is Socialist Freedom

THERE are two reasons for welcoming Manoranjan Mohanty's detailed statement of his position (June 17) on the recent Chinese developments; one, that it lifts the discussion to a meaningful level from the cynical asides and snide remarks that have constituted most of the comments even if left circles; and two, that those who read with a distinct sense of disbelief his brief piece in Frontier (June 25) are now assured that it is a seriously held viewpoint. There are, equally, two reasons for hesitating to react to his analysis; one, that very few of us can match Mohanty in his knowledge of Chinese politics; and two, that the spirit behind this reaction can easily be condemned as belonging to that genre of Marxism that 'will never learn anything'. And yet, when the gap in the understanding of persons all of whom equally profess to be Marxists has grown so wide, it is necessary that somebody puts aside all hesitation.

Law and Order on Lease

K Balagopal What has given operational seriousness to the decade-old demand for arming 'villages' against naxalites is a combination of better organised strength of the naxalites and a certain generalisation of the problem. While the kind of arms and organisation the naxalite groups have built up in recent years puts them beyond the range of private armies, landlords will now form themselves into village self-protection committees and inflict violence upon ordinary peasants and labourers.

Pitting the Tribals against the Non-Tribal Poor

The demand, therefore, for a separate political unit does not appear to be in the larger interest of the plains tribals of the north eastern region as a whole.

Rise of Gangsterism in Politics

Rise of Gangsterism in Politics K Balagopal ONE docs not go to a convention against fascism to get hold of a definitive analysis of fascism. One goes there to see what fascism means and does to people of different modes of existence, and how

We Shall Have Our Own Mandelas-Birth of the Political Prisoner in India

This is not a futuristic scenario, not an essay on how 'the TADA can be misused'. This is an account of what is already largely happening over an increasingly large area of the country, and with respect to an increasingly large category of political activists, activists of the oppressed nationalities and minority communities, activists of revolutionary groups, activists of militant trade unions and tribal activists.

Agrarian Revolution, Not Wage Increases

Agrarian Revolution, Not Wage Increases K Balagopal GAIL OMVEDT and Chetna Galla (July 2) agree that what needs to be discussed is revolutionary strategy, but they themselves refuse to do so. The class character of the rural poor" is that they have an objective interest in expropriating the rich, smashing the existing state and social structure and building a new society based on collective labour and collective appropriation. This is precisely what is not the objective interest of the most vociferous sections of the movements for 'remunerative prices'. And that marks a genuinely Marxist class division of the rural people. If the rural poor are to be described empirically then one has to take a variety of conditions into consideration. The class certainly includes all of the agricultural labourers (between 25 and 30 per cent of rural families); equally certainly it does not include those of the 'middle peasants' whose cultivation is characterised by dependable irrigation and capital infrastructure, whatever marketing and pricing problems they may have. The rest of the peasants with self-sufficient family holdings must be judged by these characteristics to decide whether they can be included in the class of the rural poor or can be counted as neutral elements. This is not an economic division based on income but a class division based on the existence of an irreconcilable conflict with the system. The conflict is irreconcilable because the developments of the last forty years have shown that the system is incapable of meeting the needs of the rural poor, though it has done

Herald the Hunting Dogs that Are Grey in Colour

Eighteen 'naxalites' have been killed in 15 'encounters' in Andhra Pradesh this year till the end of June And now the state government has announced its decision to constitute an 'elite corps of police


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