ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

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WOMEN-From the Masses, to the Masses

December 20, 1975 way of credits, price incentives and marketing opportunities

South Asia and the Politics of Food

Besides this they are not allowed to receive or send letters, to see visitors except according to the whims and fancies of the jailer. They are also forced to wear convict dress except when they appear in court.

Non-Brahmans and Nationalists in Poona

While the growth of non-Brahman, and later Congress, organisation in the districts was to change this, Poona until 1930 was the political and symbolic centre of Maharashtra; it was also a centre that represented both militant nationalism and socially orthodox Brahmanism, Inevitably, non-Brahman politics began to develop a centre here as well But when the non-Brahman challenge was mounted in oona it took on forms that were highly conditioned by the themes of Brahman cultural dominance. Non-Brahmans entered and attempted to control the Ganpati festival, which was founded by Tilak himself with a view to turning a religious occasion into public nationalist propaganda. They engaged in a virulent war of pamphlets and newspapers by cm entry into the arena of Brahman literary dominance; they focused their attack not so much on questions of land and Brahman priestly or bureaucratic dominance that troubled the peasantry, but on symbolic issues involving Brahman claims to moral and political leadership. They took up themes that Brahmans had pioneered

The Satyashodhak Samaj and Peasant Agitation

The non-brahman movement in Maharashtra, the author has argued in an earlier article ('Development of the Maharashtrian class Structure, I818 to 1931', Special Number, August 1973). represented a peasant-based 'mass' movement of the bahujan samaj against the shetji-bhatji class consisting of the intelligentsia and the moneylender-landlords. This hypothesis, however, is contrary to the prevailing view of the development of Indian social-political systems, which sees the process as one of a transfer of power from an urban-based upper-caste elite to an only slightly lower, rural-based landholding dominant caste. Instead of class conflict, the model generally in use has been that of conflict between opposing elites.

Development of the Maharashtrian Class Structure, 1818 to 1931

Class Structure, 1818 to 1931 AFTER the completion of British conquest in Maharashtra in 1818, the class structure that developed was one typical of the colonial model We shall describe here the process of the creation of this class structure out of the elements of traditional Indian society, the position of the various castes within it, and the relation of this structure to the forms which nationalism and the non-Brahman movement took in Maharashtra. We shall begin with the commercial bourgeoisie, an element that is often overlooked in descriptions of the new elites of colonial society.

Non-Brahmans and Communists in Bombay

"Schweize Rische Zeitchrift fur Volkswirtschaft un Statistik", [8] Census of India, 1961, Volume 1, [8] Census of India, 1961, Volume 1, Part I-A(i), Levels of Regional Development in India, Census of India Office, Delhi, 1965. [9] Kendall, M G, 'Factor Analysis as a Statistical Technique', Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Series B, 1950.

Non-Brahmans and Communists in Bombay

This paper studies the radical working class movement which emerged in Bombay in the late 1920s and which brought together, in curious fashion, an emerging communist leadership with the leaders of the largely peasant-based non-Brahman movement. The ambiguities and outcome of these contacts and conflicts were decisive not only for the development of social radicalism but also for the direction of the nationalist movement in Maharashtra.

McGovern and the American Left

Gail Omvedt GEORGE McGovern is not a leftist, certainly not a socialist, hardly a radical at all except in the wierd arena of American politics. And yet George McGovern's nomination as candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency of the United States represents an important step for the left in America.

Jotirao Phule and the Ideology of Social Revolution in India

It is one of the tragic dilemmas of the colonial situation that the national revolution and the social revolution in a colonial society tend to develop apart from one another, Jyotirao Phule represented a very different set of interests and a very different outlook on India from all the upper caste elite thinkers of the so-called Indian Renaissance who have dominated the awareness of both Indian and foreign intellectuals. The elite expressed an ideology of what may be described as the "national revolution"; it was the nationalism of a class combining bourgeois and high caste traditions. Phule represented the ideology of the social revolution in its earliest form, with a peasant and anti-caste outlook.

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