ISSN (Print) - 0012-9976 | ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

Arvind RajagopalSubscribe to Arvind Rajagopal

Two Tyrants in the Age of Television

The politics of Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi analysed through two recent speeches to the highest bodies of their respective parties.

Visibility as a Trap in the Anna Hazare Campaign

The rapid escalation of the Anna Hazare campaign, aided by embracing the media as allies, compromised its political character in numerous ways. Political participation as a critique of the status quo has to exist both inside and outside the media spectacle. Visibility can be experienced as fulfilling, but when the image becomes the destination of politics, it is a trap.

The Emergency and Popular Memory

and Popular Memory nor dominated by it, but rather are prag- Unsettling Memories: Narratives of matic in character, expressing a collective India

Sangh's Role in the Emergency

With the taint of the Gandhi assassination, the RSS was truly a political pariah. But after the Emergency, acquiring political power came within reach. The fortunes of secularism, and of Hindutva, were decisively changed thereafter. These changes need not be irrevocable, but they require to be understood.

Violence of Commodity Aesthetics

As increasing trends point to businesses and political parties targeting persons rather than masses, forms of patriarchal authority are softened and diffused, leading to a revision of the older distinctions that prevailed between public and private. At the same time, as relations between individuals are mediated more through markets and media, they also generate new kinds of rights and new capacities for imagination along with new ideas of belonging or inclusion that in turn, lead to novel ways of exercising citizenship rights and conceiving politics. This experience of inclusion in new circuits of communication and of sharing intellectual property across classes, such as seen with television, can help to politicise those sections previously marginalised. This paper, examines the implications of this argument in terms of recent debates over the rights of the hawker, or the 'pheriwala', in Mumbai.

New 'New War' and an Old Problem

Islamisation in modern times is not simply a throwback to the past. It evolved in the schools in Deoband as a form of Islamic revival to form trans-regional identities under colonialism. And jihad may seem like a reasonable option in establishing these identities.

Thinking through Emerging Markets

While political mobilisation involves the championing of narratives to unite groups and individuals in particular ways, markets too use modes of address and rhetoric that may complicate these larger narratives. In their attempts to reach the rural hinterland, businesses seek not merely to establish a brand, but also its significance for consumers. They need then to ask questions like - What kind of political performatives might consumer goods make possible What cultural identities are reinforced in the process of market extension? It is to meet this increasing competition that businesses have also resorted to 'Hindu' symbols as a way to reach new consumers.

Communalism and the Consuming Subject

Communalism and the Consuming Subject Arvind Rajagopal The promotion of Hindutva through the circuits of commodities gave communal politics much greater visibility and, thereby, access to afar wider public. The move to retailing Hindu identity declared an intention to seek and build on far more partial forms of support, with the explicit aim of securing political power. Liberalisation proceeds with its reorganisation of public and private spaces in ways that are articulated to the Hindu right's s political project but not necessarily identical with it. Late capitalism's attempts to revitalise itself demonstrate an eruption of the contradictions of community onto the stage of capital, and an effort to harness these contradictions in furthering accumulation.
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