The Eurasian Economic Union has great potential to integrate the economies of India, Central Asian countries, the Russian Federation, and China. In the present circumstances, with realigned trade flows post the Ukraine crisis, it is in India’s interest to actively participate in the development of both the
International North–South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.
The Eurasian Economic Union has great potential to integrate the economies of India, Central Asian countries, the Russian Federation, and China. In the present circumstances, with realigned trade flows post the Ukraine crisis, it is in India’s interest to actively participate in the development of both the
International North–South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.
The Eurasian Economic Union has great potential to integrate the economies of India, Central Asian countries, the Russian Federation, and China. In the present circumstances, with realigned trade flows post the Ukraine crisis, it is in India’s interest to actively participate in the development of both the
International North–South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.
The Eurasian Economic Union has great potential to integrate the economies of India, Central Asian countries, the Russian Federation, and China. In the present circumstances, with realigned trade flows post the Ukraine crisis, it is in India’s interest to actively participate in the development of both the
International North–South Transport Corridor and the Northern Sea Route.
The growing discrepancies between the survey and official data have become a serious issue in recent years. This has allowed researchers, administrators, policymakers, and individuals to take opposite positions on policies, programme or even the political regimes. It is in such a context that this article looks at some of the data anomalies in institutionalised surveys and official sources.
The growing discrepancies between the survey and official data have become a serious issue in recent years. This has allowed researchers, administrators, policymakers, and individuals to take opposite positions on policies, programme or even the political regimes. It is in such a context that this article looks at some of the data anomalies in institutionalised surveys and official sources.
Turning down the narrative of “double engine” government, Himachal Pradesh once again voted Congress in with a thumping majority of seats. The Congress’s win can be attributed to a series of factors such as the promise of old pension scheme for about 1,50,000 employees, anti-incumbency linked to poor performance of the Jai Ram Thakur government, and intra-party factionalism in Bharatiya Janata Party. The thesis that India has gone down the path of “de jure majoritarianism” from “de facto majoritarianism” since 2019 receives a setback with the Congress’s victory in HP. This election also proved that the party system of HP remains predominantly a two-party system and there is lesser space for a third party like the Aam Aadmi Party which could only secure less than 1% votes.
Turning down the narrative of “double engine” government, Himachal Pradesh once again voted Congress in with a thumping majority of seats. The Congress’s win can be attributed to a series of factors such as the promise of old pension scheme for about 1,50,000 employees, anti-incumbency linked to poor performance of the Jai Ram Thakur government, and intra-party factionalism in Bharatiya Janata Party. The thesis that India has gone down the path of “de jure majoritarianism” from “de facto majoritarianism” since 2019 receives a setback with the Congress’s victory in HP. This election also proved that the party system of HP remains predominantly a two-party system and there is lesser space for a third party like the Aam Aadmi Party which could only secure less than 1% votes.
Turning down the narrative of “double engine” government, Himachal Pradesh once again voted Congress in with a thumping majority of seats. The Congress’s win can be attributed to a series of factors such as the promise of old pension scheme for about 1,50,000 employees, anti-incumbency linked to poor performance of the Jai Ram Thakur government, and intra-party factionalism in Bharatiya Janata Party. The thesis that India has gone down the path of “de jure majoritarianism” from “de facto majoritarianism” since 2019 receives a setback with the Congress’s victory in HP. This election also proved that the party system of HP remains predominantly a two-party system and there is lesser space for a third party like the Aam Aadmi Party which could only secure less than 1% votes.
Turning down the narrative of “double engine” government, Himachal Pradesh once again voted Congress in with a thumping majority of seats. The Congress’s win can be attributed to a series of factors such as the promise of old pension scheme for about 1,50,000 employees, anti-incumbency linked to poor performance of the Jai Ram Thakur government, and intra-party factionalism in Bharatiya Janata Party. The thesis that India has gone down the path of “de jure majoritarianism” from “de facto majoritarianism” since 2019 receives a setback with the Congress’s victory in HP. This election also proved that the party system of HP remains predominantly a two-party system and there is lesser space for a third party like the Aam Aadmi Party which could only secure less than 1% votes.
The core objective of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act is to promote rural development and reduce poverty by supplementing private employment in the rural Indian economy with public employment. This paper is an attempt to verify the performance of MGNREGA by studying four sample villages from West Bengal. The study has built a social accounting matrix from which the output and employment multipliers for each village are computed. However, it shows the demand-side impact, whereas the realisation of MGNREGA’s potential positive multiplier effect depends on supply-side support, which is lacking in the villages. The paper, therefore, suggests supply-side initiatives in MGNREGA through a focus on productivity enhancement measures.
The core objective of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act is to promote rural development and reduce poverty by supplementing private employment in the rural Indian economy with public employment. This paper is an attempt to verify the performance of MGNREGA by studying four sample villages from West Bengal. The study has built a social accounting matrix from which the output and employment multipliers for each village are computed. However, it shows the demand-side impact, whereas the realisation of MGNREGA’s potential positive multiplier effect depends on supply-side support, which is lacking in the villages. The paper, therefore, suggests supply-side initiatives in MGNREGA through a focus on productivity enhancement measures.
The core objective of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act is to promote rural development and reduce poverty by supplementing private employment in the rural Indian economy with public employment. This paper is an attempt to verify the performance of MGNREGA by studying four sample villages from West Bengal. The study has built a social accounting matrix from which the output and employment multipliers for each village are computed. However, it shows the demand-side impact, whereas the realisation of MGNREGA’s potential positive multiplier effect depends on supply-side support, which is lacking in the villages. The paper, therefore, suggests supply-side initiatives in MGNREGA through a focus on productivity enhancement measures.
Using the Global Findex survey data, the various factors that may impact the use of banks and digital channels for remitting money have been explored. The cross-country analysis shows that while many people send/receive remittances in low-income countries, they are still transmitted through informal channels. In India, it is observed that the use of financial institutions/mobiles as remittance channels have improved from 2017 to 2021, especially for the lower-income people. The econometric analysis conducted for both conventional and digital modes of remittance transmission shows that while the banking infrastructure matters for formal remittance transmission, the poorer countries are able to address the problem of lack of adequate infrastructure by using the mobile platform.
Using the Global Findex survey data, the various factors that may impact the use of banks and digital channels for remitting money have been explored. The cross-country analysis shows that while many people send/receive remittances in low-income countries, they are still transmitted through informal channels. In India, it is observed that the use of financial institutions/mobiles as remittance channels have improved from 2017 to 2021, especially for the lower-income people. The econometric analysis conducted for both conventional and digital modes of remittance transmission shows that while the banking infrastructure matters for formal remittance transmission, the poorer countries are able to address the problem of lack of adequate infrastructure by using the mobile platform.
