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Adivasi Swaraj Is the Answer to Violence

The Indian state’s strategy to combat Naxalism has wrecked havoc on the Adivasi and tribal communities. A heavily militarised area of operations is certainly not the answer forpeace and security. It might make those in power feel less insecure, but eventually such a strategy will have disastrous effects, whenthose who have been alienated, exploited and displaced take up arms against the state. The rightstrategy for developing Adivasi communities is through thede-escalation of military operations and providingthem with autonomy and institutional support.

Maoist Movement: Context and Concerns

The failure of the Indian state to wipe out the Maoist movement is due to its ambiguous understanding of the laws of motion of the movement and the support the movement enjoys among the poor peasants and tribals in its strongholds. Successful democratic transition will however depend upon whether the Maoist party will retain the primacy of its New Democratic politics over its military strategy, and whether it can force the Indian state to give due regard to the constitutional mandate.

Tebhaga–Telangana to Naxalbari–CPI(ML)

Even as the Naxalbari uprising was quickly crushed, the revolutionary communists painstakingly spread the movement and founded the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries and the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). Naxalbari differed from the Telangana uprising, which did not spread to other provinces and left no immediate trail after the setback mainly because no all-India party was built for the purpose. The movement–party dialectic is explored to better understand the radical communist movement in India.

From Naxalbari to Chhattisgarh

Even as the Naxalite/Maoist movement continues to haunt the Indian state, its future is not secure, for Mao’s revolutionary strategy for China of the 1920–40 period is no longer applicable in today’s India. The movement has, however, unwittingly acted as a catalyst of progressive reform in rural India. A post-Maoist revolutionary strategy is, nevertheless, long overdue.

The Caste Question in the Naxalite Movement

The period following the Chundur massacre of Dalits in August 1991 has witnessed an intense theoretical and ideological debate on the caste question in Telugu society, ignited by the growth of the Dalit and women’s movements. The article examines the debate on the caste–class question in theory and in practice in the Naxalite/Maoist movement in Andhra Pradesh.

Humaneness and Contradictions

Based on long-term ethnographic field research in the Adivasi-dominated forests of eastern India, this article explores how and why the Naxalites have persisted in the subcontinent and the challenges that beset revolutionary mobilisation. The focus is on how communist ideology for a casteless and classless society translated into the humaneness of revolutionary subjectivity, creating relations of intimacy between the guerrilla armies and the people in its strongholds. Crucially, also analysed are a series of contradictions that constantly undermine revolutionary mobilisation, tearing the Naxalites apart and destroying them from within.

Class Struggle and Patriarchy

​In the 50 years since Naxalbari, women have made a significant contribution to the growth of the Maoist movement, breaking free from many of the shackles that bind women down in Indian society. This article discusses the role of women and the question of patriarchy in this stream of the Naxalite movement on the basis of the literature available.

A Savage War for ‘Development’

The Maoists have come under relentless attack and have suffered a setback in their main stronghold, the Bastar division in southern Chhattisgarh, but, contrary to official claims, they are far from being wiped out over there. Fifty years after the Naxalbari uprising, the resilience displayed by the Maoists provides continued political relevance to the “spark” that lit Naxalbari in May 1967. But there is a long road uphill and ahead.

Rabindranath’s Praxis

Bhikhu Parekh observed that a possible reason why Gandhi perennially addressed Rabindranath Tagore as “The Poet” was that it implicitly classified him (and marginalised his many critical observations) as an impractical person of the imagination.

Rabindranath Tagore’s Theology of Work

Taking the distinctive meaning of intimacy as its starting point, this paper explores Rabindranath Tagore’s notion of the relational self and the commitment to work. The idea of work as connecting relationships that make up the world, is something that is derived from neo-Vedantic conceptions that privilege the concerns of this world. Institutionally, this translates into various forms of cooperation of which cooperatives are the primary mode. The paper concludes with some of the dilemmas of Rabindranath’s conception of praxis that go beyond a measurement of success and failure.

Tagore on Modernity, Nationalism and ‘the Surplus in Man’

Rabindranath Tagore’s reflections on the concepts and practices of civilisation, nationalism, and community are directly concerned with the nature of modern political power and its underlying assumptions about human life. This article interprets these reflections by reading them along with and in the light of his philosophical anthropology as articulated in a variety of philosophical essays, focusing closely on The Religion of Man. It concludes by underscoring the contemporary import of these reflections as a philosophical resource for thinking about possibilities of human communities that go beyond the way the dominant tendency in political power tends to capture human life under its multiple regimes.

Sriniketan Encounters Ambedkar

Building on Tagore’s critique of “politics,” an English term Tagore does not translate into rajneeti (thus retaining its foreignness), the paper moves to Tagore’s turning away from nationalism as largely an “abstract being” or a symbolic form, and his turning, instead, to the question of dharma (as the dialectic between askesis, a la Foucault, and phronesis, a la Heidegger). Dharma as the this-worldly art-praxis of attending to what the abstract being or the symbolic form forecloses. For Tagore, Sriniketan is the context for such an art-praxis. For the authors, Ambedkar is the imaginary interlocutor of Tagore’s redrawing of the extant practice of the political.

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