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Accountability and Autonomy in Higher Education-Needed Internal Democracy

Accountability and Autonomy in Higher Education Needed Internal Democracy Arun Kumar THE all-India college and university teachers' strike is almost over. The teachers have been outmanoeuvred by the government but the loss is that of society as a whole since the cause of higher education has received a setback. It is now clear that the perception of the leaders of the strike regarding the real issues facing the academic community was different from that of many others.

Unrest in Higher Education The Broader Issues

Issues of pay-scales and promotion have appeared to be at the centre of the unprecedented nationwide strike of university and college teachers. It is less well known, unfortunately, that the teaching community has been concerned about a number of deeper issues which affect the entire philosophy of education, the social status and role of the academic community in society, the environment in which the academic community functions and the values which it fosters.

Concerning Revolution in Third World

Concerning Revolution in Third World Paresh Chattopadhyay The contradictory historical experience of revolution in the third world, especially in Asia shows the following features: firstly, in order to lay the material foundation of socialism, the bourgeois democratic revolution had to be completed. But the task of destroying the pre-capitalist relations has entailed the generalisation of commodity production and of wage labour which have the tendency to perpetuate themselves; secondly, state power had to be captured if the immediate producers were to emancipate themselves and by the very nature of armed struggle against imperialism the old state machinery was destroyed. But the new state has not been a proletariat state; and, thirdly, nationalism proved a mighty weapon both to bring about a liquidation of the colonial domination as well as to create the broadest possible front against imperialist domination.

Marxists and the Sikh Extremist Movement in Punjab

The Sikh extremists' ideological-political practice, insofar as they have one, constitutes no real threat to the ruling classes in India, whatever immediate Haw and order' problems it may pose. On the contrary it only serves their more basic political and ideological needs. The correct line of opposition to the Sikh extremist movement, therefore, is to see the struggle against the extremists as part of the broader all-India struggle against the ruling classes' economy politics, culture, etc; as part of the revolutionary struggle against the present social order.

Strife in Higher Education-Needed a National Incomes Policy

fashionable these days to speak of India as 'a nation-in-the making'. One might add that if you leave it to the ruling classes, India may well be on its way to be 'a nation-in-the-unmaking') This third path is today the correct theoretical position for the pursuit and advancement of the alternative revolutionary people's politics in Punjab and in India as a whole. As such it is also the only effective counter to the Sikh extremists' ideological-political practice

Communalism and Regionalism

Communalism and Regionalism National interest must certainly be paramount, but a concept of nationalism as a remote mythical entity entrusted with the job of curbing and disciplining sub-national, including minority community, urges would invariably lead to tensions. On the other hand, a symbiotical, and not dichotomous, relation between national and sub-national identities is closer to reality and a surer basis for a harmonious growth of nationalism and its constituent parts.

Women s Access to Health Care

Women's Access to Health Care Prabha Ramalingaswami How aware are women from disadvantaged social groups of the government's health care programmes and how much do they benefit from them?

Priorities for Television

Tara Ali Baig Promoting glittering perspectives of affluence over TV and rousing false expectations which the economy cannot fulfil can be socially very disruptive.

Questions of Nationalism and Communalism

Questions of Nationalism and Communalism Gyanendra Pandey ONE needs to make no apology for yet another article on

Education and Survival

Education and Survival ACCORDING to J Robert Oppenheimer, a professor of zoology at the University of Munich used always to ask only such questions as pertained to worms. Only naturally, therefore, his students also would not try to learn anything which did not pertain to worms. But on one particular occasion, the professor changed his mind and, as a student's turn came for an oral examination, said, Tell me all that you know about an elephant

Some Real Issues Facing Women

Some Real Issues Facing Women Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay CONTINUED studies have revealed that after these several years of planned development in India, the status of women, i e, half the population in our country, still makes poor showing. This clearly indicates that the initial recognition of women's rights which emerged during the freedom struggle and was expressed in the constitution has run into the sands. The benefits of development have accrued in some measure only to a small section of Indian women and have largely by-passed the great majority. The condition of this vast forgotten majority, who have no wide forum and no voice, has deteriorated. For them, economic, social and political rights have remained more on paper. This situation has a direct and significant bearing on overall national development, which makes it imperative to initiate action by women and on behalf of women

Towards a Marxist Understanding of Secularism-Some Preliminary Speculations

Secularism Some Preliminary Speculations S Khan IN recent weeks there has been an important debate in The Times of India on the place of secularism in Indian life, the nature of Hinduism, communalism and so on. The main participants in it have been Gautam Adhikari and Girilal Jain, editor of The Times of India. Adhikari's view can be described as that of the modern bourgeois liberal who has a particularly strong commitment to promoting rational/scientific modes of thinking and behaviour. In short, his is what is often taken as the standard secularist viewpoint and one which Marxists for the most part endorse. In fact one of the problems for Marxists is that their view of secularism has rarely been adequately distinguished from that of the 'progressive' bourgeois liberal, Jain's position is harder to define or categorise. It would be unfair and wrong to call him a Hindu nationalist in the generally accepted sense of the term, especially when lie has taken pains to explicitly reject the idea of an RSS type Hindu Kashira, and to dismiss any idea that Hindus in India have been subordinated or subdued by the other religious minorities. In fact the essential thrust of this argument is that, for the last 150 years if not more, Hindus have been more and more asserting themselves. It is inconceivable that they could ever be dominated by minorities especially after partition. The attempts by religious minorities to establish a collective self-identity for themselves is a defensive response to the pressures imposed by both modernisation and growing Hindu ascendancy. At the same time, Hinduism being what it is, the minorities need not in the main fear that this natural and inevitable post-independence ascendancy will result in generalised religiou, intolerance against thern. Thus Hindu communalism, even allowing for peripheral aberrations and inter-religious riots, is really a non-issue. It just cannot be. Minority communalism because it is that of a minority is not really an insuperable problem in itself, though in Punjab where it becomes allied to terrorism, outside help, and struggles for a separate territory it does obviously pose very grave problems for the Indian slate but more in the sense of challenging the state's authority than threatening a Hindu-Sikh holocaust.

Science Policy Statements and Actions

allocated only 5 per cent of the funds but DST allocated about 58 per cent of the SERC funds to molecular biophysics.
M M Pichare (2) Where did these funds go? V Sasi- Science Policy: Statements and Actions THE result of the first genetic engineering experiment, performed by a group of scien tists in the United States, were reported in 1973. It took less than a decade to obtain the first commercially useful product, using genetic engineering. The first vaccine for animals made using this technology was approved for use in Europe in 1982. In the same year, human insulin made by genetic engineering was approved for use in the United States and United Kingdom .

High Interest Rate Structure- Time for a Second Look

faith in the rights of its own ethnic identities. Similarly ethnic discontent in Punjab and Kashmir undermines effectiveness of India's Pakistan policy.

Ethnic Dimension of Subcontinental Muslims

Ethnic Dimension of Subcontinental Muslims THE ethnic riot in Karachi in December last

Poverty and Malnutrition

Poverty and Malnutrition P V Sukhatme TEN years ago most of the malnutrition reported from nutrition surveys was believed to be the result of inadequate concentration and Quality of protein in the diet. So acute was believed to be the deficiency that developing countries were advised by the United Nations that unless immediate measures were taken to produce protein-rich foods and distribute them among children through special nutrition programmes, their economic, social and physical development would be completely arrested. Subsequent research however showed that the limiting factor in the diet of the developing countries was not protein, but energy. The latter depended primarily on the quantity of diet, which in turn were determined by the purchasing capacity of the people. The persistent nature of malnutrition thus came to be explained by the poverty of the people. So stark was the element of food in the deprivation of the people, that some 50 per cent of the people in India are estimated to be starving for want of adequate purchasing capacity. What is worse is that this proportion of the starving poor is reported to be rising. I am not, therefore, surprised that the problem of poverty and malnutrition continues to receive the active attention of the scholars, the press and the public.

Enlarging the Scope of Money Markets

Enlarging the Scope of Money Markets R J Mody THE recent appointment of a working group by Reserve Bank to study the possibilities of enlarging the scope of the money market is a step in the right direction. The financial technology is underdeveloped in India. The development of financial assets, intermediaries and markets can improve the efficiency of resource allocation and help attain higher rates of economic growth. One reason why economic growth has been faltering in spite of higher rates of saving is that the financial mechanism allocating investible resources is underdeveloped.

Stock Market and Financial Institutions

Stock Market and Financial Institutions Amal Sanyal THE growth in the size of the stock market over the last few years and the variegated postures taken by the public sector financial institutions towards the market raises issues of some political interest.

Destruction of Indian Research and Development-Case of Liquid Crystal Display Technology

Destruction of Indian Research and Development Case of Liquid Crystal Display Technology Vinod Vyasulu in collaboration with Anadi Jauhari, S Rangarajan, Sanjay Pant and Sanjay Bagga THE choice of silicon technology and the roles of Metchem, the scientists at the Indian Institute of Science, the bureaucrats in different departments of the Indian government, and the multi-national, Hemlock semi-conductor have been in the news recently. In fact, it is reported that a CB1 inquiry has been ordered.

Fertiliser Subsidy in India

from 65 per cent of Central government revenue to 92.9 per cent in 1984; in Uruguay from 73 per cent in 1981 to 77 per cent in 1985; in Venezuela from 8.6 per cent to 31.5 per cent.

Demand for Khalistan

Demand for Khalistan Sahdev Vohra THE Sikhs have passed through a number of ordeals in their history and this has influenced their approach to their current position in India. From time to time there have been gloomy forecasts that the Sikhs will be absorbed by the Hindus and the first such prognostication was made in 1855 when the British carried out a census of the Punjab "done by actual enumeration of the people" on the night between December 31,1854 and January 1, 1855. The Census Commissioner Richard Temple gave the population of British Punjab as 12.7 million, with another 6.75 million in the princely state. Of the former, "there are 5,352,875 of Hindus to 7,364,974 of Mohammadans. From the Jamuna to the Chenab Hindus are in excess. .. The Sikhs in Lahore division were 1,81,172!' This is a surprisingly small number out of the total population of 3.458 million in Lahore Division. Temple has this to say, "The old Sikhs are dying out, the new Sikhs initiated are but few; the children of the Sikhs are and remain Hindoo. A vast number of Sikhs though organised and linked together by political bonds, were, as regards faith and religious practice, but little different from Hindoos, now that Sikhism is politically defunct, they return to Hinduism!* In fact this was not to be so, though since that first foreboding there have been others right upto contemporary days, but in fact the reverse has happened. The Sikh population has increased in numbers to a greater extent than their proportion, and the community have gained in importance, and rightly earned the name of being one of the most advanced communities in the country.

Muslim Maintenance Bill A Postscript

Muslim Maintenance Bill: A Postscript Gautam Navlakha IT is the mark of time that a Supreme Court judgment in 1985 could create a momentum when a similar judgment few years earlier caused not a flutter. While to some extent this is because the Muslim Personal Law Board was actively involved on side of the husband in the Shah Bano case and therefore had staked its prestige on the issue, several other factors contributed to build up opposition to the judgment, The judgment quite unnecessarily contained disparaging remarks about Islam and its Prophet. But more than anything else the judgment became a rallying point for a community afflicted by the seige mentality. However, the Muslim community chose the wrong cause and for wrong reasons to come out against the judgment and clamoured for retrogressive legislation which would, in course of time, be used further as a symbol for arousing Hindu chauvinism. It was perfectly possible to support the judgment granting maintenance while criticising it for going beyond what it was required to do.

On Economic Crisis and Transition from Capitalism- A Marxian Approach

On Economic Crisis and Transition from Capitalism A Marxian Approach Paresh Chattopadhyay SURENDRA J PATEL's article Economic Crisis and the Transition from Capitalism' (EPW, March 29) is highly stimulating. With his usual clarity he has shown how the economic crisis which has been an integral part of capitalism has not meant an unmitigated evil for the world as a whole but, in fact, has been associated invariably with the spread of industrialisation far beyond its (original) sorting point. Particularly he has thrown interesting light on the linkage between this association and the emergence of what he calls the 'transitional economic formulations' between capitalism and socialism on a world scale. However, while appreciating the paper for all its qualities we would like to express our reservations on some crucial issues raised in the paper. They concern basically (a) Patel's categorisation of 'economic formation' and his characterisation of the 'transitional economic formation', (b) his treatment of 'socialism' particularly with reference to the USSR, (c) his approach to the question of 'economic crisis' in relation to what he considers to be the 'socialist countries'. In the discussion that follows we shall maintain the same order.1 Patel nowhere offers a precise meaning of the term 'economic formation' though it constitutes a central category of the paper. One thine, however, seems to be clear. From the way Patel uses it his 'economic formation', seemingly derived from Marx, seems to be quite different from the Marxian category of 'economic formation' (of soeeity) [Oeknomische Geseilschaftsformation).2 Patel's use of the terms seems to be completely class-neutral. That is, he seems to make complete abstraction of the specific situation of the immediate producers in relation to the conditions of production in the society in question. This is particularly clear in his distinction between 'capitalist' and 'intermediate' ('post-capitalist', 'pre- socialist') 'economic formations'. On the other hand we Know from Marx (and Engels) that it is the specific form of extraction of unpaid surplus labour from the immediate producers that distinguishes one 'economic formation' from another (when we are speaking of class societies). "Only the form in which this surplus labour is extorted (abgepresst wind) distinguishes one economic- social formation from another", writes Marx what is of crucial importance for characterising

The Reality of The Real Income

The Reality of 'The Real Income' Amaresh Bagchi SIMPLICITY has been a perennial quest of tax reformers and quite rightly, since a complex tax structure violates the canon of certainty essential in an equitable and efficient tax system. The quality of simplicity, however, does not seem to be given to direct taxes especially the income tax, as Indian experience amply shows. Two decades of 'simplification and rationalisation starting with Bhoothalingam's labours do not seem to have taken us very far. Hence, presumably, the appointment of another expert group in the Ministry of Finance and further proposals for reform based on their deliberations.

Decentralised Planning Loopholes that Remain

Decentralised Planning: Loopholes that Remain I S Gulati THE high-powered committee headed by GVK Rao on "Administrative Arrangements for Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation Programmes" has submitted its report1 to the Planning Commission. The report is bound to become a major work of reference on the subject of not just administrative decentralisation but decentralisation in general. It bears, in several respects, a clear stamp of political vision combined with an understanding of administrative issues, so rare to come across these days. But there are aspects of the com- mitee's recommendations which could be quite debatable.

Child Survival and Development Revolution-A Sceptical Look

Child Survival and Development Revolution' A Sceptical Look Raman Kutty THE realisation that resources are improperly utilised in child health, or that strategies are not tuned to produce the best results in many countries of the underdeveloped world, is of recent currency in international circles. Rerhaps the demonstration effect of China and Cuba catalysed the recognition. The GOBI (Growth monitor- ing-Oral rehydration-Breast-feeding-Im- munisation) approach to improving child health indices and the CSDR (Child Survival Development Revolution) as envisaged by the UNICEF are ultimate products of a line of thinking originating from this [1, 2]. The Integrated Child Development Services Scheme (ICDS) in India can be thought to be a natural corollary to the international thinking.

Textbooks and Educational Culture

Textbooks and Educational Culture Krishna Kumar TEXTBOOKS are universally used but they do not mean the same thing in different countries. Their practical use in the school's daily routine and their symbolic function vary from one educational system to the next. In some countries, textbooks are published only by private publishers; in others, only by the government. In certain countries, state authorities merely recommend suitable textbooks, leaving school authorities and teachers free to select the ones they like; in others, specific textbooks are prescribed by the state, and no deviation is expected or allowed. In some countries, textbooks are purchased by the school and provided to children in the classrooms; in others, it is the children who must buy their own copies of the prescribed textbooks and carry them every morning to the school in a capacious schoolbag.

Borrowing from the Rich

Borrowing from the Rich Amal Sanyal RECENTLY the Union government is seeking to reduce its borrowing from the RBI, as a matter of policy, not by increasing direct taxes, nor by reducing its wasteful consumption or the items of budgetary transfer to the rich, but by directly borrowing from the public. Borrowing from the public is of course an inoffensive expression to mean borrowing from the rich. Since the largest items in the recent Union budgets are transfers to the rich and the payment of salary and perks to the bureaucracy and the government servants in the higher brackets of income, this policy in plain words can be described as borrowing from the rich in order to maintain the consumption of the rich. From the point of view of common- sense the policy certainly looks a trifle curious in that it seeks to pay the rich a stream of interest receipts for the expenses incurred on maintaining mostly their own living standard. The following is an attempt to examine the various implications of this course somewhat more closely.

Civil Rights Movement and Social Struggle in India

Civil Rights Movement and Social Struggle in India Aswini K Ray THE Civil Rights Movement, in its present shape, owes its origin to the political milieu of the National Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi for about nineteen months between 1975 and 1977. Even by the content porary moral standards of India's democratic norms,1 the politics of the Emergency era stands out as particularly amoral and, in terms of its long-term effects

How Much to Pay Teachers

How Much to Pay Teachers?
Amrik Singh THE last revision of scales of pay of university and college teachers (carried out in 1974 but effective from 1973) was a water shed in more than one sense. One, though parity between Class I officers and university level teachers had broadly existed for some time, college teachers did not enjoy the same parity. It was conceded now. Secondly, the scale of pay both at the readers and professors level was fixed in a manner so as to make it distinctly better than corresponding scales of pay in the government. This was done as to make teaching attractive. Given the bureaucratic set-up of the country, it was a significant step forward and must be acknowledged as such.

Growing Governmental Lawlessness

Growing 'Governmental Lawlessness' A R Desai RULERS of Independent India, since Indira Gandhi's regime and more particularly during the last year and a half of Rajiv Gandhi's regime, are sternly ordering the ordinary citizens of India that they should strictly observe the 'rule of law' and 'maintain order'. The Rulers proclaim that India is the youngest and largest democracy and, therefore, citizens should not only enjoy the rights given to them by the Constitution and by legislation but also perform their duties, without deviation, enjoined upon them to see that law and order' is not jeopardised. In fact the insistence of the rulers that citizens perform their duties has acquired greater intensity than the exercise of their rights by citizens. The rulers have introduced special amendments in the Constitution incorporating a new section on 'Duties of Citizens' and have also passed numerous laws, ordinances and even modifications in the sections proclaiming fundamental rights which have curbed and nullified some of the rights embodied in the Constitution. The rulers have acquired additional extraordinary powers to see that citizens maintain 'law and order'.

Simone de Beauvoir

Simone de Beauvoir I WAS surprised and disappointed that the obituary of Simone de Beauvoir in sueh poor taste as AM's 'Calculta Diary' (April 26), It is surely not a coincidence that the Mihject of the obituary was a woman. That she was a major writer is a source of some discomfort to AM, who gears his whole write-up to proving that a woman remains a woman, a biologically and therefore intellectually inferior creature -although he lacks the courage to say this in so many words.

Third World Women s Cinema-Notes on Narrative, Reflections on Opacity

Third World Women's Cinema Notes on Narrative, Reflections on Opacity Susie Tharu THE whole question of women's cinema poses several very intricately knotted problems that I believe may have vital implications both for theory and practice. Feminist activists, and that includes activists in the field of cinema, are often suspicious of what are perceived as abstractions that deflect our attention from the immediate, pressing problems of exploitation, domination and expropriation. The impatience is more than justified. Too many abstractions that claim universality have not only focused exclusively on upper class, male, perceptions and experiences, they have created such an orchestrated din it has been impossible for women to attend to their own experiences or formulate their own questions. However, time and again in the workshop sessions at the Festival of Women's Films in Hyderabad, we seemed to come back to questions that could usefully be probed more theoretically. The idea is not so much to untangle what are very complex social and aesthetic knots, but to loosen the threads and make their structure more accessible for considered intervention. I do not think it is possible, or even necessary to provide a directive to film makers or a normative paradigm for critics and viewers. But it should be possible to promote a subtler, more finely tuned understanding of what is at stake in third world women's cinema, II At almost every turn we are confronted with the problem of narrative. An understanding of the many-layered operation involved in narrative realism will take us a long way towards understanding why women's issues are invariably recuperated, not only by popular firms, but also by cinema that attempts a radical or progressive statement. Take realist film, for instance. All documentary and most feature films that are made in India today come within the scope of this genre. Such films operate by creating a "reality effect". They reinforce the feeling that what we are watching is (uncensored) reality itself. Yet it is not difficult to show that what we take for reality, or even nature, is actually a construct. This is so both in film and in our everyday worlds. Consider for instance the structure of realist film. Such works invariably open onto an enigma or a lack. The normal order is disrupted. A crime has been committed, a child/lost or found, a (king's) daughter has to find a husband, a landlord's authority has been questioned. Or, if we move closer to the specific subject under discussion: a woman has been raped, a daughter-in-law has died, a husband has a lover, Sulbah breaks away from the family, Kamala comes into one. Very often several such disruptions are woven into a single plot. The story then proceeds via a series of elaborations that establish and complicate the original disruption, towards a resolution, where the old order will be re-established, or modified slightly to accommodate new elements in some acceptable way. A major function of the process is to raise our anxieties in relation to the disorder in such a way that we look forward to, and welcome, almost with a sense of relief, the resolution or the closure. Thus, the murder will be ''solved", the lovers united, the threatened family unity re-affirmed and so on. It is clear that such plots are, in their very design domesticating devices.

Politics of Environment


hold approximately 80 per cent of its mineral assets.
Amongst the other companies, identified in the UN document, as having economic interest in Namibia are Standard Oil Corporation, Texaco Inc and Mobil Oil Corporation of the US, Barclays Bank International Ltd, British Petroleum Co and Consolidated Goldfields of the UK, Rio Algom Ltd and Hudson Bay Co of Canada, Dresdner Bank of the Federal Republic of Germany and the Shell Transport and Trading Co Ltd, a part of the Royal Dutch/Shell Group.

May Day

May Day ANNIVERSARIES have their own laws and rituals. It is exactly one hundred years since the combustion in the Chicago market place. Bestial repression had led to a nodal point and the worms turned: The working class will not take it lying down any more, they will unite and revolt. May Day is not quite an invocation to arms, but certainly it is an invocation to the solidarity of the toiling masses: You shall come together, and you will be delivered; it does not really matter if, at this moment, the objective reality precludes open warfare, the pledge itself is the message; the working class will come through if not today, then tomorrow; if not tomorrow, then the day after; there is only one proviso which they have to take care of, they must unite, unite, unite, and stay united; this unity must stretch across the national frontiers, the working class movement, if it is to prove itself, must be an international movement, it must proclaim the brotherhood of man across the seas and the continents.

Prices and Cropping Pattern

Prices and Cropping Pattern M L Dantwala THE Economic Survey, 1985-86, has rightly expressed its disquiet over the emerging imbalance in the cropping pattern. Elaborating on the subject the Survey states: "A number of factors influence the changing cropping pattern, including the differential rate of technological change among crops, the spread of irrigation leading to area shrinkage of dry crops, market intervention and support by the government in certain crops but not in other crops, and, perhaps the most significant of all, the changing relative prices between different crops

Coming Tragedy of the Commons

Coming Tragedy of the Commons Vandana Shiva FIVE million hectares of recovery of the commons in India each year could mean the end of rural poverty and a reversal of ecological trends of a collapse of critical life- support-systems of soil, water and vegetation. 'Yet the Wasteland Development Programme is not a recovery of the commons project. It is a privatisation of the commons project which threatens to accentuate rural poverty and increase ecological instability, because in one fell swoop it will rob the poor of their remaining common resources, the only survival base to which they have access. The usurpation of the commons which began with the British will reach its final limit with the Wasteland Development Programme. Chattarpati Singh of the Law Institute argues: "It is evident that till the end of the last century and in all historical periods before that at least 80 per cent of India's natural resources were common property, with only 20 per cent being privately utilised. . . This extensive common property has provided the resource base for a noncash, non-market economy. A whole range of necessary resources has been freely available to the people. Thus commonly available wood, shrubs, and cowdung has been utilised for cooking and heating, mud, bamboo and palm leaves for housing, wild grass and shrubs as animal fodder, and a variety of fruits and vegetables as food." These free commons have been the survival base for rural India. With reservation of forests, the first step in the privatisation of commons took place a century ago. Today, the next and final step in the disappearance of the commons is taking place as 'Wasteland Development'.

Bad Capitalists, Good Private Sector- Politics of Tax Raids

Bad Capitalists, Good Private Sector Politics of Tax Raids MSS Pandian THE present government at the Centre has been encouraging the private sector with reductions in tax rates, abolition of various controls and many other concessions under its so-called economic liberalisation drive. This package of policy measures has understandably endeared the Union government to the private sector, especially the big business.

Supplanting Peasant Agriculture with Plantation Economy

Supplanting Peasant Agriculture with Plantation Economy B V Krishna Murti But a bold peasantry, their country's pride, when once destroyed, can never be supplied. Oliver Goldsmith GVK RAO was formerly a member of the Union Planning Commission and is currently the vice-chairman of the Karnataka Economic and Planning Council. He is a wise man in high position influencing (together with a few other wise men like him) development policies of the Union and state governments. And now he has made some major pronouncements that would have a significant impact on the lives of hundreds of millions of people in the country and their life-supporting ecological endowment in the immediate and, subsequently, on the vitality of the nation itself.

Nuclear War and the Third World

Nuclear War and the Third World James Petras THE line of antagonism between the US- USSR does not run through Berlin, Warsaw and Prague but through the Countryside of Guatemala, El Salvador, Angola and Cambodia, in the cities of South Africa, Brazil and the Philippines.

Was Ambedkar Just a Leader of the Mahars

Was Ambedkar Just a Leader of the Mahars?
Neera Burra WAS Ambedkar a leader of only the Mahar community, the caste to which he himself belonged? This is a question that has evoked a mixed response amongst the untouchable communities in Maharashtra. The Mahars, commonly known as inferior village servants, provided a variety of services for the village, some of which were highly polluting, like the flaying of carcasses. They were forced by their poverty to eat carrion, which lowered their status considerably. The Mahars, numerically the largest Scheduled Caste community in Maharashtra before their conversion to Buddhism in 1956, claim that Ambedkar was the leader of all the Depressed Classes and accepted as such by everyone. The Mangs (rope-makers) and the Chambhars (leather-workers) do not accept such a claim. They bitterly resent the upward mobility of the Mahars and believe that this was, at least in part, a result of Ambedkar having concentrated his attention upon his own caste-fellows. There is a widely-held belief that the Mahars because of Ambedkar

Planning Rural Full Employment-A Case for Working Capital Subsidy

Planning Rural Full Employment A Case for Working Capital Subsidy Ranjit Sau THE Seventh Plan has reiterated the objective of full employment, which is being sought to be achieved within the span of fifteen years. This is not the first time that such a sentiment has been expressed. In the late fifties it was felt that India could get rid of unemployment within a decade. Since then the Planning Commission has been busy in the formulation of employment-oriented plans. In 1978 the removal of unemployment and severe underemployment within ten years was set as one of the principal objective of planning.

India s Balance of Payment Prospects

India's Balance of Payment Prospects S Kumarasundaram FOR a developing country with a slow growing export sector and a sizeable accumulation of foreign debt, India has not faced many crisis situations in its balance of payments. Some of the explanations ready at hand are: a regime of import and foreign exchange controls inherited from World War II, industrial licensing and other economic controls which acted as a steady restraining influence on investment expenditures and indirectly on imports, and availability of concessional financial assistance from abroad which kept the debt-service costs at a manageable level. But not widely known arc the patches of good luck that India had been favoured with during certain critical payments periods in the past. Currently India seems to be in for another spell of luck as its payments position is about to enter a difficult phase. We refer here to the recent softening of oil prices, which promises a saving in India's import bill to the extent of about Rs 1,000 crore during the next 12 months. Circumstances surrounding India's balance of payments are perhaps undergoing drastic changes, and beyond the current phase which may not prove difficult, the country faces challenging tasks ahead.

Crisis of Settler Hegemony in South Africa

Crisis of Settler Hegemony in South Africa Neera Chandhoke THE central theoretical concern of this paper is the nature of the relationship between the political, cultural and ideological superstructures of the South African state and the imperatives of capitalist accumulation. As such, it is argued that the contemporary crisis in South Africa is primarily political, i e, a crisis of legitimacy involving the breakdown of the ideological superstructures. This crisis threatens to paralyse the indefinite perpetuation of conditions under which capital and labour can be mobilised into profitable commodity exchange. The state with its ideological baggage train of nineteenth century racism is acting as a brake upon the interests of capital. On the other hand, the state by failing to respond to the trajectory of demands thrown up by an increasingly radicalised population is becoming irrelevant, A two-fold dichotomy has emerged (a) between the economy and polity and (b) between the state and civil society. The settler state is incapable of resolving the contradictions inherent in the society, since it is at the root of these contradictions. Recent events have proved that statist strategies of societal transformation are unrealistic. It is the arena of 'polities' where the struggles of the various contending groups are taking place, which is emerging as the final arbiter of the situation. The crisis of the settler state is thus three-fold:

A Policy for Kashmir

A Policy for Kashmir Balraj Puri NEW DELHI'S policy on Kashmir has been vacillating from one extreme to another; from complete trust of its people to complete distrust, from treating them as a special category to treating them as colonial subjects.

Emerging Trends in Size Distribution of Operational Holdings in Kerala

Emerging Trends in Size Distribution of Operational Holdings in Kerala P S George THE land reform measures introduced in Kerala, especially those initiated in 1957 and followed up with the Agrarian Relations Act 1961 and the Land Reforms Act 1964 are considered to be the most progressive land reforms legislations enacted in India.1 These measures had consolidated the different land legislations and land reform measures which existed in Travancore, Cochin, and Malabar and also provided a new scope and direction to the whole concept of land reforms. The main objectives of these measures were to introduce institutional transformation to achieve some level of efficiency of land utilisation and equity in agricultural production, and to ensure ownership rights to the actual users of land. The main pillars of land reform measures included abolition of landlordism, changes in the structure of holdings, especially the size structure, and removal of inequalities in the distribution of holdings through imposition of ceilings on holdings and redistribution of surplus land.

Women s Movement and Religion

Women's Movement and Religion Gabriele Dietrich DURING the International Women's Decade, the question of women and religion did not come to the forefront much. The main emphasis was on women's deteriorating economic situation, declining work opportunities, victimisation due to technological modernisation, self-help through sell employment schemes and on sexual and other violence against women, like rape, wife beating, dowry deaths and the like. Attention was also paid to women's health situation, family planning schemes, the effects of certain contraceptives like lUDs, Depo- provera, and NET-EN, etc. This does not come as a surprise since patriarchy in the feminist debate has been understood as exploitation of a woman's labour, sexuality and fertility. It is therefore only logical that primary attention should go to the economic aspects and to the actual pysical subjugation of women. The only aspect where religion has come into the picture is the demand for a secular family code which has been raised on and off and short of this, battles are today fought for Muslim women's rights to maintenance, for the right of Christian women to get a divorce, against extremes of discrimination in inheritance rights like the Tranvancore Christian Succession Act.

Feminism and the Cinema of Realism

Feminism and the Cinema of Realism C S Lakshmi VIMOCHANA, a social action group in Bangalore organised a symposium preceded by a six-day show of films from November 4-10 on the theme "Films: Cashing In On the Women's Issues". The reason for holding the symposium was, according to their written statement, to understand the process of exploitation of women's issues. The blatant use of women in popular cinema is easy enough to identify and protest about. But what about cinema that is not as garish as the popular cinema in which also women have figured as central characters? "Do we not see here", the statement asks, "a using and selling not merely of content (in terms of the issues being raised) but also the commercialisation of certain cinematic forms when innovative and radical packaging is used to sell played out content? ... Can the camera eye itself therefore be sexist? ..." The Vimochana group felt that "while it is important to question the validity of the so-called women's film it is equally important to identify the new process of mythification that is setting in .. " ft looked at the outset that the symposium was all set to raise very relevant and valid questions. It was a pity that there was a little bit of "cashing in" on the inaugural day itself

Towards a Women s Perspective on Family Planning

Towards a Women's Perspective on Family Planning Vimal Balasubrahmanyan THE paradox which characterises the Family Planning scene in India is this: On the one hand, women are the major targets of the FP programme with both messages and methods beamed intensively at them. On the other hand, the felt contraception needs of these target women, who predominantly belong to the lower socio-economic class, are not adequately catered to. In a country like India, women can be doubly victimised. By the patriarchal family which refuses to allow them to use contraception, and by the population controllers who make them the targets of unsafe contraception programmes. The latter aspect has been demonstrated in the disastrous IUD drive of the sixties and the mass laparoscopy camps of the eighties.

Why Latin America Cannot Support Further Austerity

Further Austerity James Petras RESISTANCE is growing among previously complaint Latin American regimes to the austerity programmes of the IMF, as the massive debt payments continually undermine economic development and recovery. In recent months the newly elected President of Peru has threatened to pull his country out of the IMF and has limited debt payments to ten per cent of export earnings. Brazil's newly elected President, Jose Sarney, has stated that "Brazil will not pay its foreign debt with recession, not with unemployment nor with hunger". Similar statements have come forth from a variety of other Latin leaders. While previous opposition was based largely among labour unions and leftist groups, today's critics include leaders and politicians who have followed IMF directives, complied with its stabilisation recipes and been celebrated as 'models' in dealing with the debt crises. It was precisely this outward compliance with the IMF and the creditor nations which has been heralded in the international business press as a success. The dark-side of the picture, the dimensions which are now pressing upon the current political spokespersons, however, is the profound economic and social costs of this creditor success story. To paraphrase a Brazilian general: the debt payments are going well, only the economy and the people are suffering. Compliance with the debt payments and IMF austerity programmes has had a disastrous effect on the economy and living standards, while the volume of debt mounts and the payments continue their upward spiral. Latin America's conservative and accommodating behaviour has not been matched by any reciprocal payoffs: the trade-off for austerity is more austerity ... and continuing stagnation. What makes the problems more acute today is the existence of political space in a growing number of countries, the establishment of democratic norms, which allow an increasing number of citizens to express their discontent.